St Lucia Has World’s Highest Level of Diabetes – Study

Text of report by Caribbean Media Corporation news agency website

CASTRIES, St Lucia, CMC-The St Lucia Diabetic and Hypertensive Association Thursday cautioned against public panic after a medical study revealed that the island has the highest per capita ratio of diabetes in the world.

The results of the study conducted by a Canadian expert were announced Wednesday, and the Association said what was needed now was public and political commitment to address the problem.

Association President George Eugene said he was “not the least bit surprised” about the findings of the study conducted by urologist Dr Michael Graven, who screened more than 31,000 St Lucians during his study.

“The state of diabetes in St Lucia is tantamount to a public health disaster, much like a hurricane with catastrophic rates,” Dr Graven said as he presented the findings.

Eugene said the writing had been on the wall for years now but limited resources restricted the amount of work the organization was able to do to address the situation.

“The statistics show that more young people are being affected by the disease, and as a result the need for lifestyle management has never been more important.

“If we don’t care about out health as much as we should, we take care of our vehicle, we take it for service and do what we are is required of us, but when it comes to our bodies and our health, we are laissez-faire where that is concerned,” he said.

Eugene said the frightening reality was the economic impact this would have on the country, adding “what we will need is a strong political will and public commitment to reverse the trend and not panic.

“We need to look at the things we import in the country and what we feed ourselves with. We have to become more health conscious, we are an agricultural nation yet we hardly consume what we can grow,” he said.

Health Minister Stephenson King Thursday described the statistics as startling, and said that government would move swiftly to make a number of interventions such as formulating policies and developing programmes to change people’s lifestyles.

“In a sense this information has been timely as the ministry is at a critical juncture where we are seeking to refocus to health programmes. This will encourage renewed approaches and develop ideas that will help us fulfil the provision of total heath to our people,” he said.

The study found that based on the current trend, the rate of new cases of diabetes would double every four years and hypertension every five years, with the complications of heart attacks, strokes, renal failure, blindness and amputations burdening the health system.

It indicated that 8.1 per cent of the population was diabetic, painting a bleak picture for the future.

(c) 2007 BBC Monitoring Americas. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Motivational Factors Influencing Teaching As a Career Choice: Development and Validation of the FIT-Choice Scale

By Watt, Helen M G; Richardson, Paul W

ABSTRACT.

The authors apply current influential models from the motivational literature to develop the comprehensive factors influencing teaching choice (FIT-Choice) scale, to measure factors influencing the choice to teach for beginning preservice teacher education candidates. They validate the scale using 2 large cohorts (N = 488; 652) and describe the factors that teacher education candidates identified as most important in their decision to teach. Furthermore, the authors examine longitudinal relationships for participants who have now completed their teaching qualification (N = 294) to determine how entry motivations relate to exit levels of teaching engagement and professional development aspirations. The study makes several important theoretical contributions: The authors extend the values component of the expectancy-value motivational framework, go beyond high school students to examine career choices of adults, and specifically examine the domain of teaching as a career choice. The new FIT-Choice measure provides a theoretical and analytical framework to help guide future investigations in this area. Understanding teacher candidates’ motivations for choosing teaching has implications for teacher education planning and curriculum design, teacher recruitment authorities, and government and intergovernmental planning and policy decisions-especially when many countries around the globe are struggling to attract and retain teachers in a climate of escalating teacher shortages.

Keywords: career choice for teaching, measurement, motivation, scale development

RESEARCHERS’ INTEREST in what motivates people to take on a teaching career has resulted in a steady flow of studies and reports from countries around the globe since the 1960s. Over the last half decade, education administrators have exerted considerable effort in the United Kingdom, United States, Europe, Australia, and Asia to attract people to and retain them in the teaching profession. Although a lack of reliable empirical evidence exists in Australia, researchers estimate that around 30% of teachers leave the profession within 5 years of graduation. In the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS; Lokan, Ford, & Greenwood, 1996), Australian and New Zealand teachers represented the highest percentage that would “prefer to change to another career” (p. 197). In the United States and the United Kingdom, one in five teachers leaves the profession within 3 years of entry (Henke, Chen, & Geis, 2000; Johnson & Birkeland, 2003; Office of Standards in Education [OFSTED], 2001). In recent research in the United States, Liu, Kardos, Kauffman, Preske, and Johnson (2000) suggested that the increasing salary gap between teaching and other professions, combined with the disappointments and hardships of teaching, is influential in why new teachers leave the profession.

Researchers have emphasized similar reasons to choose teaching in various forms, combinations, and rankings over the past four decades. Brookhart and Freeman (1992) highlighted intrinsic, extrinsic, and altruistic motivations as the most important groups of reasons on the basis of studies predominantly using participant rankings of the various reasons. Although many researchers have used surveys and open-ended questions with large samples in their studies (e.g., Alexander, Chant, & Cox, 1994; Bastick, 1999; Hanushek & Pace, 1995; Jantzen, 1981; Joseph & Green, 1986), the methods of analysis and reporting of results have not always been as sophisticated as they could have been, with an overreliance on single-item indicators, raw frequency counts, and the ranking of themes, resulting in a lack of consistency across studies. Researchers have developed and implemented survey instruments with no information regarding reliability or validity, and results have often been reported without inclusion of the survey instruments. This, combined with the absence of an agreed upon analytical and theoretical framework, has meant that researchers have not always concurred on what constitutes intrinsic, altruistic, extrinsic, or various other motivations that are examined by individual researchers.

Various operationalizations of intrinsic, extrinsic, and altruistic motivations have resulted in a lack of definitional precision and overlapping categorizations from one study to another. For example, the desire to work with children has been frequently nominated as a form of intrinsic motivation (e.g., Young, 1995) and has also often been referred to as a form of altruistic motivation (e.g., Yong, 1995). In a review of the research conducted up until the early 1990s, Brookhart and Freeman (1992) suggested that “altruistic, service-oriented goals and other intrinsic motivations are the source of the primary reasons entering teacher candidates report for why they chose teaching as a career” (p. 46). Identified motivations have frequently included working with children and adolescents, making a social contribution, making a difference, job security, job benefits, enjoyment of teaching, compatibility with other interests and activities, compatibility with family life, and self-education (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2005), although those have been classified variously across different studies.

In this study, we address two major gaps in the existing literature. First, in previous literature, researchers have not systematically applied current motivational models to developing explanations, which has produced a lack of cohesion with no systematic approach to the problem guided by motivation theory. We contend that the expectancy-value motivational model is particularly useful in guiding investigations in the area. This model has been highly influential in the motivation literature, with a wealth of empirical work to support its utility and validity for explaining students’ achievement-related choices (for recent reviews see Eccles, 2005a, 2005b). Although the model was initially developed as a framework for explaining students’ choices to participate in mathematics in high school (Eccles [Parsons] et al., 1983), it has since been fruitfully applied to other academic school disciplines, such as English and language arts (Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield, 2002; Watt, 2004) and sport (Fredricks & Eccles, 2002), as well as to specific types of careers (e.g., Watt, 2002, 2006). Major influences that researchers have identified within the career choice literature more generally have focused on ability-related beliefs (see Lent, Lopez, & Bieschke, 1993). We can map all of these factors to the main constructs in the expectancy-value theoretical framework, allowing us to locate previously identified motivations within an integrative and comprehensive motivational framework. This provides a strong basis from which to approach the question of teaching as a career choice. In our article, we will outline the development of the Factors Influencing Teaching Choice (FIT-Choice) scale and demonstrate how the expectancy-value framework may be advantageously applied to explaining the specific career choice of teaching. Furthermore, we will establish the usefulness of this framework for future investigations into motivations for choosing teaching as a career.

Second, research into the choice of teaching as a career has typically been exploratory, often involving small or opportune samples that are nonrepresentative of beginning education majors (Joseph & Green, 1986; Kyriacou & Coulthard, 2000; Moran, Kilpatrick, Abbott, Dallatt, & McClune, 2001; Priyadharshini & Robinson-Pant, 2003; Serow & Forrest, 1994). We will complement and extend previous work by incorporating identified themes from a range of studies in the teacher education literature into the development of our new scale, which we validate across two cohorts of preservice teachers at two major universities in Sydney, Australia. The administration of our FIT-Choice scale to two entire cohorts also will permit us to assess the extent to which measured influences on the choice of teaching as a career are relevant across these larger- scale and representative samples.

Expectancy-Value Theory

Expectancy-value theory is one of the major frameworks for achievement motivation, beginning with Atkinson (1957), being further developed by Battle (1965), Crandall et al. (Crandall, 1969; Crandall, Katkovsky, & Preston, 1962), and more recently by Feather (1982, 1988, 1992) and Eccles et al. (Eccles, 1984; Eccles [Parsons] et al., 1983; Eccles, Adler, & Meece, 1984; Wigfield, 1994; Wigfield & Eccles, 1992). In general, expectancy-value theorists have regarded success expectancies and task valuation as major determinants of motivation for academic choices, with more distal influences consisting of socialization and perceptions of previous experience. The most recent statements of the expectancy-value model linked academic choices to expectations of success and to the subjective value of the task (e.g., Eccles, 2005a, 2005b; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000), drawing on the theoretical and empirical work of decision making, achievement, and attribution theorists (Meece, Eccles [Parsons], Kaczala, Goff, & Futterman, 1982).

\Eccles et al. (1983) initially developed the expectancy-value model primarily to investigate gendered enrollment patterns in secondary school mathematics. They argued that existing research into academic choices was limited by the lack of an integrative theoretical framework to guide the selection and organization of the variables that influenced achievement-related choices and behaviors, with research proceeding in a piecemeal fashion as individual researchers investigated subsets of the possible causes. We contend that a similar situation exists in the research of the choice of teaching as a career. It too lacks an overarching theoretical framework to guide research in the area and has not articulated strongly with the extant motivation literature. Our study provides an integrative theoretical model to guide research into why individuals choose teaching as a career. We do this by drawing together recurring themes from the teacher education literature outlined earlier, alongside ability-related beliefs emphasized in the career-choice literature more generally, and by locating these themes within the expectancy-value framework-the most comprehensive motivational model for explaining academic and career choices.

In Eccles et al.’s (1983, 2005a) formulation of expectancy-value theory, values and ability beliefs (or expectancies for success) are the most important motivations that predict academic choices and behaviors. Values have emerged as the most powerful predictors of choices, whereas ability/expectancy beliefs have better predicted performance (e.g., Bong, 2001; Eccles [Parsons] et al., 1983; Eccles et al., 1984). For example, Eccles et al. have found that values are the strongest predictors of intentions to keep taking math and the actual decisions to do so (Watt, 2005; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000).

As specified by Wigfield and Eccles ( 1992), values differentiated into the subcomponents of intrinsic value, utility value, attainment value, and cost (Eccles [Parsons] et al., 1983; Eccles, 2005b). Intrinsic value refers to the enjoyment one gets from carrying out a given task; utility value refers to how a task will be useful to an individual in the future; attainment value refers to the subjective importance of doing well on the task; and cost is what the individual has to sacrifice to carry it out, as well as the effort required to complete it. Eccles and Wigfield (2000) have conducted most of the empirical work with the first three of these values constructs on which we consequently focus. Researchers define expectancies for success as beliefs about how one will perform on upcoming tasks, conceptually distinguished from ability beliefs, which are perceptions of one’s current competence at a given activity. Eccles et al. (Eccles & Wigfield, 1995; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000) have not been able to distinguish empirically between the ability and expectancies constructs in factor analytic work; and therefore have combined the two in their analyses.

Conclusions regarding the empirical distinctions among the primary constructs in Eccles et al.’s (1983) and Wigfield and Eccles’ (2000) formulation of expectancy-value theory, particularly expectancy/ability beliefs, task difficulty, and task value perceptions, rely on factor analytic work (Eccles & Wigfield, 1995). Based on a combination of exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses, Eccles and Wigfield proposed three higher order constructs: (a) expectancy/ability beliefs, (b) subjective task value (i.e., attainment, intrinsic, and utility values), and (c) perceived task difficulty (i.e., effort required and task difficulty). For parsimony, we refer to their three proposed higher order factors as self, value, and task perceptions, which provide a more economical description of the data.

Developing FIT-Choice Factors From Key Expectancy-Value Constructs

Our scale development was guided by consideration of the three major self, value, and task sets of variables that predict choices in Eccles et al.’s (1983; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000) expectancy-value model that have been the focus of much theoretical and empirical work (Covington, 1984; Eccles & Wigfield, 1995). We also developed items for antecedent socialization and perceptions of previous experience identified in the expectancy-value model.

In our context of the choice of a teaching career, our simplest construct mapping was for self perceptions of ability, for which we developed items asking about participants’ perceptions of their teaching abilities. For values, we developed constructs relating to each of the expectancy-value components: intrinsic, subjective attainment, and utility values. For intrinsic value, we developed items that assessed individuals’ interest in and desire for a teaching career. Subjective attainment value relates to the extent to which individuals consider tasks to be important, in terms of their personal goals. Subjective goals, which may relate to the choice of a teaching career, are provided by research findings that people entering teaching have frequently chosen this career for reasons independent of the career content. Rather, they have chosen the career for reasons relating to quality of life issues, such as permitting more time with family, providing a secure income, or providing opportunities to travel (e.g., Bastick, 1999; Robertson, Keith, & Page, 1983; Yong, 1995). Studies concerning people’s reasons for never considering teaching (see Kyriacou & Coulthard, 2000) and for leaving teaching (see Fresko, Kfir, & Nasser, 1997; Liu et al., 2000) also provide insights into how people are directed away from the teaching profession because it does not provide for their personal goals. In prior research, such quality of life reasons have frequently been nominated as extrinsic, although that label obscures the distinction between quality of life issues and other factors that we distinguish as socialization influences and task perceptions. Researchers have previously viewed extrinsic quality of life motivations as detrimental to producing teachers who are fully engaged with and committed to the profession (e.g., Sparkes, 1988; Woods, 1981).

We developed component subjective attainment value constructs that we termed time for family, job security, and job transferability. To facilitate greater clarity of interpretation in our context, we named this set of factors personal utility value, which we felt was a more intuitively accessible label than subjective attainment value. With time-for-family items, we measured the extent to which participants had selected teaching because a teaching career allows more family time, and teaching hours and school vacations allow for family commitments and desirable quality- of-life issues. In studies conducted in other countries, several researchers have found that extrinsic rewards such as salary, vacations, job security, and job status are important factors in the choice of teaching (Bastick, 2002; Brown, 1992; Yong, 1995). Drawing on a sample of 643 nonuniversity teacher trainees in Great Britain, at the time of World War II, Tudhope (1944) found that job security was the motive for teaching that was rated highest by men and second highest by women. Although the social context in the 21st century differs in important ways from that of World War II (see Cochran- Smith & Fries, 2005), researchers continue to identify job security in the research literature as an enduring motivation for choosing teaching. Our operationalization of this construct asked about choosing teaching on the basis of its being a secure job, providing a reliable income, and offering a steady career path. Last, job transferability items assessed perceptions of teaching as being useful for overseas employment and traveling and as allowing greater choice of where to live.

We labeled another construct identified in previous studies, which fitted in this broader category, bludging. This Australian colloquialism relates to people’s adopting the laziest approach possible and choosing what they think will be an easy option. In the context of teaching, bludging could be based on people’s perceptions about the length of the teacher’s working day, as well as school holidays. Those reasons for occupational choice have been and remain a claim among the general public, popular press, and politicians. And yet, when it has been empirically tested (intermittently since the 1940s), strong support for this assertion has been lacking, and the lukewarm support that does exist needs to be carefully interpreted (see Book & Freeman, 1986; Jantzen, 1981; Olasehinde, 1972; Tudhope, 1944). Bludging conceptually belongs with the other constructs that we designed to comprise personal utility value and refers to the choice of a teaching career on the basis that it will permit low-effort exertion and a lifestyle that privileges individuals’ concentration on extramural activities. Items designed for this construct concerned the extent to which individuals had chosen teaching on the basis of lengthy holidays and a short working day.

We renamed utility value as social utility value, in view of research findings that entrants to the teaching profession often nominate a strong desire to make a social contribution or to give back to society in a meaningful way as a reason for becoming a teacher (e.g., Book & Freeman, 1986; Brown, 1992; Lortie, 1975; Moran et al., 2001). The extent that teaching is judged to be useful is therefore likely to relate to the extent to which it is regarded as socially useful. We developed component social utility value constructs that we termed make social contribution, enhance social equity, shape future of children/adolescents, and work with children/ adolescents. Items developed for the make social contribution construct tapped individuals’ desire to provide a service to society and make a worthwhile contribution. Enhance social equity items assessed the ex\tent to which participants desired to benefit the socially disadvantaged and raise the ambitions of underprivileged youth. Shape future of children/adolescents items examined whether individuals had chosen teaching for the opportunity to shape child/ adolescent values and influence the next generation. Last, work with children/adolescents items focused on participants’ desire to engage in a career that involved working with and helping young people. A desire to work with children and adolescents has tended to dominate the reasons that men and women from the United States have given for choosing teaching as a career (see Brookhart & Freeman, 1992), which previous researchers have variously called intrinsic and altruistic.

We conceived of task perceptions, in the context of choosing teaching as a career, as consisting of task demand and task return components. We expected that high perceptions of task demand would deter people from a teaching career, although this may be moderated by perceptions of high task return. The discrepancy between the two also relates conceptually to the less researched cost value component of Eccles et al.’s (Eccles et al., 1983; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000) expectancy-value model. Task demand contained two constructs that we named expert career and high demand, which asked about individuals’ perceptions of teaching as a highly expert career, requiring high levels of specialized and technical knowledge; as well as their perceptions of teaching as a highly demanding career in terms of entailing a heavy workload, high emotional demand, and generally requiring hard work. A recent study by the European Commission’s Study Group on Education and Training (1997) identified the profound impact of socioeconomic and technological changes on the complexity of the teacher’s role at the beginning of the 21st century so that it “increasingly incorporates social, behavioral, civic, economic and technological dimensions” (p. 131). The multidimensional character of this role definition has increased the complexity of the skills set that teachers now require to be effective in the diverse and complex social and cultural contexts in which they operate as professionals (OECD, 2005). These rapidly changing contexts across countries and systems are also increasingly subject to market forces, privatization of the public sphere, and growing regulation of teacher certification and recertification (Beck, 2000).

We designed task return to contain three constructs that we named social status, teacher morale, and salary. The social status construct items required participants to rate their judgments regarding the extent to which teaching is respected and perceived as a high-status occupation. Teacher morale items involved judgments about teachers’ morale and feeling valued by society. Salary items measured perceptions of teachers as earning a good salary. On the basis of findings summarized in a recent review of the status of the teaching profession in Australia (Ramsay, 2000), we expected the ratings for task return constructs to be quite low.

We also developed antecedent socialization constructs. Researchers affiliated with the teacher education literature have emphasized the positive influences of prior teaching and learning experiences (Book, Freeman, & Brousseau, 1985; Fox, 1961; Jantzen, 1981; Lortie, 1975; Richards, 1960; Robertson et al., 1983), as well as the influences of significant others such as family members, friends, and colleagues (Darling-Hammond & Sclan, 1996). We represented those influences through two constructs that we named prior teaching and learning (T & L) experiences and social influences. In view of the mass media’s portrayal of teaching as an undesirable career choice, we also developed a social dissuasion construct that asked about the extent to which others had dissuaded individuals from a teaching career. That characterization of teaching as an undesirable occupation has long been identified in the literature emanating from different countries (see Crow, Levine, & Nager, 1990; Empey, 1984; Liu et al., 2000; OECD, 2005; Priyadharshini & Robinson-Pant, 2003; Ramsay, 2000).

Last, in light of claims in the teacher education literature and the public media regarding teaching as a fallback career, where entrants may have failed to be accepted into their career of choice or otherwise been unable to pursue their first-choice career (see Book et al., 1985; Haubrich, 1960; Robertson et al., 1983), we developed a fallback career subscale. This construct reflected the possibility of people not so much choosing teaching, but rather defaulting to it. Those items asked whether participants had chosen teaching for reasons relating to not being accepted into their university degree of choice or being unsure what career they wanted.

In Figure 1, we present our theoretical model. We present antecedent socialization influences on the left, followed by more proximal influences of task perceptions, self-perceptions, values, and fallback career. Higher order task demand and return constructs in turn contain first-order constructs: Expertise and difficulty comprise the higher order task demand construct; and social status, teacher morale, and salary comprise the higher order task return construct. In a similar fashion, higher order values constructs contain first-order components. Values constructs in our model are intrinsic value, personal utility value, and social utility value. Job security, time for family, job transferability, and bludging comprise the higher order personal utility value construct; shape future of children/adolescents, enhance social equity, make social contribution, and work with children/adolescents comprise the higher order social utility value construct.

Measured Outcomes for FIT-Choice Motivations

On the far right of our theoretical model (see Figure 1), we present choice of a teaching career as an outcome variable. Because we conducted our study with 1st-year preservice teacher education candidates, it was not possible for us to use an outcome variable that measured whether individuals chose a teaching career. Instead, we developed a satisfaction with choice subscale, in which respondents rated how satisfied they were with their choice of a teaching career midway through their 1st year of teacher education.

The satisfaction with choice subscale is limited in its value as an outcome variable, because it may be expected to be high on initial entry to teacher education and to represent participants’ emotions, rather than an evaluation of their choice based on course- and fieldwork experience. Longitudinal outcome variables are therefore necessary to include. As a result, we developed measures to assess aspects of participants’ professional engagement and career development aspirations upon completion of their degrees. Those measures tapped plans for effort exertion, professional development, and persistence, as well as leadership aspirations (see also Watt, Richardson, & Tysvaer, in press), and the readministered initial satisfaction with choice subscale. Longitudinal relationships of entry motivations with exit engagement and development aspirations provide an important extension to assessment of the predictive utility of our FIT-Choice scale against outcome variables that relate to those previously nominated as desirable characteristics for engaged and committed teachers (e.g., Kaufman, 1984; Yong, 1995).

Method

Participants

Participants in the initial scale validation analyses were two cohorts of 1 st-year preservice teacher education candidates at a major established urban university in Sydney, Australia, in 2002 (University 1, N = 488). The first cohort contained candidates enrolled in the undergraduate bachelor of education degree (BEd), with an 88% response rate (N = 298: 229 [77%] women and 69 [23%] men), consisting of preservice degree concentrations: primary (n = 100, Grades K-6), secondary (n = 97, Grades 7-12), design and technology (D & T; n = 12, Grades 7-12), counseling psychology (n = 12), and human movement and health education (HMHE; n = 69, Grades 7- 12). The second cohort contained candidates enrolled in the 2-year graduate master of teaching (MTeach) degree, with a 77% response rate (N = 190; 135 [71%] women and 54 [29%] men), 36% of whom were primary, and 64% secondary.

To assess the replicability of scale validation across an independent cohort, we surveyed participants from another urban university in Sydney, Australia, in 2003 (University 2, N = 652). Those participants were also in their 1st year of teacher education studies, from undergraduate BEd and graduate BTeach degrees. The undergraduate BEd cohort of 1 st-year candidates provided us with an 89% response rate (N = 368; 308 [84%] women, and 60 [16%] men) and contained candidates studying early childhood (n = 82, preschool settings), primary (n = 218, Grades K-6), secondary (n = 66, Grades 7-12), and D & T (n = 22, Grades 7-12). The second cohort in the 1- year graduate BTeach degree had an 85% response rate (N = 284; 191 [67%] women, and 93 [33%] men), of whom 86 were primary, 170 secondary, 13 HMHE, and 15 D & T candidates.

Participants for whom degree exit data became available were graduate-entry teacher education candidates from the MTeach at University 1 and the BTeach at University 2. There was minor attrition from these teaching degrees: Of the total 478 graduate- entry teacher education entrants who participated at Phase 1 (University 1, N= 190; University 2, N = 288), university records established that 447 or 95.72% completed their teaching qualification (171 at University 1, 276 at University 2, with 11 cases of missing data resulting from unnamed surveys at Phase 1). Retention in the study was sizeable, and sample attrition from the study was not because of attrition from the teaching degree. There were 294 participants (61.51%) who were present for bothPhases 1 and 2 surveys (N = 119 or 62.63% from University 1, N = 175 or 60.76% from University 2). With MANOVA analysis, we established no statistically significant differences on Phase 1 measures for individuals retained in-versus attrited from-the study, except in the one case of fallback career, where there was a statistically but not practically significant difference between the two groups, F(1,421) = 4.79, p = .029, partial η^sup 2^ = .011, because retained participants were less motivated by choosing teaching as a fallback career (M = 1.93, SD = 1.07) than those who attrited from the study (M = 2.18, SD = 1.25).

Materials

We structured the FIT-Choice scale in three main sections and also collected background and demographic information. We assessed influential factors impacting on participants’ choice of a teaching career in the motivations section, which commenced with an open- ended question: “Please state briefly your main reason/s for choosing to become a teacher.” We followed this initial question with items in which respondents were asked to rate the importance of each influence on their choice of a teaching career on a scale ranging from 1 (not at all important) to 7 (extremely important). The prefacing statement to all items in this section was “I chose to become a teacher because . . .” typed in large, bold font at the top of the page. Table 1 shows items grouped under theorized constructs of perceived teaching ability, intrinsic career value, fallback career, job security, time for family, job transferability, bludging, shape future of children/adolescents, enhance social equity, make social contribution, and work with children/ adolescents, as well as more distal social influences and positive prior teaching and learning experiences.

We titled the next section “Beliefs About Teaching”; it contained items to which respondents indicated their strength of agreement from 1 (not at all) to 7 (extremely). Factors related to perceiving teachers as having high social status, high morale, a good salary, and teaching as a career that is highly demanding and requires substantial expertise. We titled the third section “Your Decision to Become a Teacher” with items again rated from 1 (not at all) to 7 (extremely). This section assessed experiences of social dissuasion along with satisfaction with the choice of teaching as a career. Table 2 shows the items we designed to measure each of the theorized constructs in these two sections.

Demographic data consisted of participants’ name, gender, age, teaching degree, number of children, highest academic qualification to date, and language mainly spoken at home; as well as parents’ countries of birth, highest academic qualifications, current occupations, and combined annual income.

Longitudinal outcome measures. We assessed teaching engagement by items tapping each of the following constructs-satisfaction with choice (as in Phase 1 but omitting item D1, which cross loaded with the Phase 2 planned persistence factor), planned effort, and planned persistence-with response options ranging from 1 (not at all) to 7 (extremely). We measured career development aspirations by items tapping professional development aspirations and leadership aspirations. Table 3 shows sample items for each construct (see also Watt, Richardson, & Tysvaer, in press). Cronbach’s alpha measures of internal consistency were high (ranging from .90 through .97), and exploratory factor analysis with image extraction and oblimin rotation (Δ = 0) showed good evidence for convergent and divergent construct validity, with pattern coefficients ranging from .56 through .95 for items on their respective factors (Mdn = .87) and no high cross loadings (the highest was .13). The four-factor solution converged in 12 iterations with 70.55% cumulative extraction sums of squared loadings.

Procedure

We conducted Phase 1 surveys early in the academic year and administered them in tutorial class groups to enhance data integrity and allow clarification of respondent queries. We administered the surveys with the assistance of two trained assistants and with University ethics approval, consent of program coordinators, and informed consent of all participants. The survey took approximately 20 min to complete. We administered Phase 2 outcome surveys similarly, in large-group settings following a regular lecture for the graduate-entry candidates that took place during the last 2 weeks of their degree completion.

Analyses

First, we assessed the factorial structure of the scale for the first-order factors with the undergraduate BEd cohort at University 1, using exploratory factor analysis (EFA), with image extraction and oblimin rotation (Δ = 0). We then applied an EFA specifying the same number of factors derived from those BEd analyses to evaluate whether we obtained the same factor structure with the MTeach cohort at University 1. This staged procedure allowed us to avoid capitalizing on sample characteristics in any modifications to the scale. We performed EFAs first across motivation items and then across beliefs and decisions items combined, with the BEd cohort. We then repeated this procedure with the MTeach cohort. We separated motivations from beliefs and decisions in initial EFAs because all the motivation items had the same prefacing statement: “I chose to become a teacher because . . . .” that measurement difference might have been expected to introduce additional separation. This also made inspection of pattern matrices and potential consequent modifications more manageable, because of the large number of items comprising the scale.

Next, we conducted a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) across the two combined University 1 cohorts, on the full set of first- order factors established through preceding EFAs. In the CFA, we specified items as indicators for respective first-order constructs, freely estimated measurement variances, and did not permit cross- loadings or error covariances. Through that analysis, we established convergent and divergent construct validity across the set of factors influencing the choice of teaching as a career.

We then conducted a nested CFA across the two combined cohorts from University 1, in which we specified items as indicators for respective first-order constructs and simultaneously specified first- order constructs as indicators for higher order constructs. We applied that analysis to factors comprising theorized higher order constructs of personal utility value, social utility value, task demand, and task return. Again, we freely estimated measurement variances and permitted no cross-loadings or error covariances. Through that nested CFA analysis, we established convergent and divergent construct validity across first-order and higher order factors for those factors theorized to comprise higher order factors.

We subsequently conducted first-order and nested CFAs using the separate University 2 sample to avoid the problem of overcapitalizing on sample characteristics of University 1 and to ascertain whether the scale yielded valid and reliable scores in an independent sample. Following assessment of construct validity and reliability, we formed composite constructs by averaging items to comprise the final scales, using listwise deletion for missing data. We used two criteria to determine the importance of factors influencing participants’ choice of teaching: (a) factor means above the scale midpoint and (b) relative strength of factor correlations with the Phase 1 satisfaction-with-choice subscale. We explored longitudinal relationships between initial motivations and beliefs about teaching with Phase 2 teaching engagement and career development aspirations outcome variables by using Pearson bivariate correlations.

Results

Initial Factor Analyses With the University 1 BEd Cohort

We had to implement minor modifications to the theorized 13 latent motivation constructs as a result of the initial EFA with the BEd cohort. An initial exploratory factor analysis using image factoring and oblimin rotation specifying 13 factors produced 1 factor on which item loadings were extremely low and on which no items had their highest loading. That solution also produced several cross loadings across the other 12 factors. As a result, a 12- factor model was estimated and that solution explained 76.83% of the variance and converged in 34 iterations. We reproduced 11 of the factors influencing teaching choice as theorized, whereas time for family and bludging items combined in the 12th factor. Because the originally theorized time for family and bludging subscales were not factorially distinct, it appears that participants were responding to bludging items (“As a teacher I will have lengthy holidays” and “As a teacher I will have a short working day”) in terms of the amount of family time that holidays and hours provide, rather than for opportunities to bludge. Pattern coefficients for items on their assigned factors ranged from .30 to .84 in absolute value (Mdn = .60), and there were no concerning cross-loadings (ranging from .00 through .31 for absolute values, Mdn – .04). On the basis of factor interpretability, variance explained, pattern matrix item loadings, acceptable measures of reliability, and the clarity of the 12- factor 37-item factor pattern matrix, we took these 12 factors as the set of constructs for further analyses.

Beliefs and decisions items with the BEd cohort supported six rather than the seven theorized underlying dimensions. We reproduced three beliefs about teaching factors as theorized (i.e., salary, expert career, and high demand), with the fourth factor containing the social status and teacher morale items. The combined social status and teacher morale factors made conceptual sense, for which we retained the label social status. We confirmed the two theorized constructs of social dissuasion and satisfaction with cho\ice. This six-factor solution converged in eight iterations and explained 72.62% of the variance, with high Cronbach’s alpha measures of internal consistency for all factors. Pattern coefficients for items on their assigned factors ranged from .50 to .90 (Mdn = .65), and there were no concerning cross loadings (ranging in absolute value from .00 through .10, Mdn = .03). Again, on the basis of factor interpretability, variance explained, and high reliabilities, we took this set of six constructs as the set for subsequent analyses.

Initial Factor Analyses With the University 1 MTeach Cohort

To evaluate whether the same factor structure was replicated with our MTeach cohort, we specified a 12-factor EFA solution for motivation items, and a 6-factor EFA solution for beliefs and decisions items. We reproduced the 12 motivation factors almost exactly with the MTeach cohort, with the exception of one work with children/adolescents item (B10: I want to help children/adolescents learn), which here loaded with the intrinsic career value factor. The MTeach 12-factor solution converged in 17 iterations, explaining 57.96% of the variance. Pattern coefficients for items on their assigned factors ranged in absolute value from .22 to .93 (Mdn = .63), and there were no concerning cross-loadings other than item B10 (absolute values ranging from .00 to .32, next highest value = .22, Mdn = .04).

Although a six-factor solution for MTeach beliefs and decisions items explained 68.77% of the variance and converged in 10 iterations, we did not obtain an identical factor structure for the BEd. We reproduced four factors as theorized (i.e., satisfaction with choice, social status, salary, and social dissuasion), but one expert career item (C10) loaded on the high-demand factor, with the other expert career item (C14) being the sole item loading on the sixth factor. Therefore, we attempted a five-factor solution. That explained 64.06% of the variance and converged in six iterations. In this solution, high demand and expert career combined, and we reproduced the other four factors of satisfaction with choice, social status, salary, and social dissuasion as theorized. Pattern coefficients for items on their assigned factors ranged from .37 to .88 (Mdn = .59), and there were no concerning cross-loadings (ranging in absolute value from .00 to .21, Mdn = .04).

CFA With University 1 Combined Cohorts

First-order CFA and factor reliabilities. Following exploration of the FIT-Choice scale’s factorial structure using BEd data and assessing whether the same solutions were obtained using independent MTeach data, we performed a combined CFA. We did not include item B10 in that analysis because it had not exhibited a stable loading pattern in University 1 BEd and MTeach analyses and had low factor loadings in any case. We performed the combined CFA across the full set of items to enable us to assess divergent, as well as convergent, construct validity across the entire set of constructs. In this final solution, all 18 first-order factors were supported as theorized: perceived ability, intrinsic career value, fallback career, job security, time for family, job transferability, shape future of children/adolescents, enhance social equity, make social contribution, work with children/adolescents, high demand, expert career, social status, salary, prior teaching and learning experiences, social influences, social dissuasion, and satisfaction with choice. The CFA fitted the data well across a range of frequently emphasized fit indices, normal theory weighted least squares χ^sup 2^(1277, N = 447) = 2614.72, RMSEA = .049, NFI = .922, NNFI = .952, GFI = .824, AGFI = .788. Cronbach’s alpha reliabilities demonstrated acceptable internal consistency as shown in Table 4. Table 4 also presents factor loadings (LX) and measurement errors (TD) for the first-order CFA.

Nested higher-order CFA and factor reliabilities. The nested CFA that we used to evaluate the fit of the four proposed personal utility value, social utility value, task demand, and task return higher-order factors fitted the data well, normal theory weighted least squares χ^sup 2^(510, N = 466) = 1138.67, RMSEA = .052, NFI = .929, NNFI = .956, GFI = .874, AGFI = .853, indicating convergent as well as divergent construct validity at both first- order and higher-order levels. Table 5 shows first-order factor loadings (LY) and measurement errors (TE) and the higher order factor loadings (GA) and uniquenesses (PSI).

CFA With University 2 Combined Cohorts

We developed three additional items prior to survey administration to University 2 respondents for the three subscales that had contained fewer than three items. For the subscale shape future of children/adolescents, we developed an additional item, B53: ‘Teaching will allow me to have an impact on children/ adolescents.” For the subscale enhance social equity, we added item B54: ‘Teaching will allow me to work against social disadvantage.” For the subscale expert career, item C15 “Do you think teachers need highly specialized knowledge?” was included. We then conducted first- order and nested CFAs with this new item set as we had for University 1.

First-order CFA and factor reliabilities. All 18 first-order factors were again supported as theorized, with good model fit statistics, normal theory weighted least squares χ^sup 2^(1442, N = 579) = 3250.49, RMSEA = .047, NFI = .919, NNFI = .946, GFI = .838, AGFI = .807. Cronbach’s alpha reliabilities demonstrated acceptable internal consistency as shown in Table 4, in which we also present factor loadings (LX) and measurement errors (TD) for the first-order CFA.

Nested higher-order CFA and factor reliabilities. The nested CFA again fit the data well-normal theory weighted least squares χ^sup 2^(612, N = 612) = 1814.52, RMSEA = .057, NFI = .921, NNFI = .942, GFI = .862, AGFI = .841 indicating convergent and divergent construct validity at the first-order and higher-order levels, and supporting the construct validity of higher-order personal utility value, social utility value, task demand, and task return factors. In Table 5, we show first-order factor loadings (LY) and measurement errors (TE), and the higher order factor loadings (GA) and uniquenesses (PSI).

Final FIT-Choice Scale

For both Universities 1 and 2, we examined correlations among all first-order latent constructs as shown in Table 6, having established construct validity and reliability across two independent samples. The final item set has previously been listed in table form elsewhere (Richardson & Watt, 2006, 34-36).

Summary Statistics for FIT-Choice and Beliefs and Decisions About Teaching

The highest rated influences on the choice of a teaching career, with group means above 5 on the 7-point scale, were perceived teaching ability, intrinsic career value, shape future of children/ adolescents, make social contribution, work with children/ adolescents, and prior teaching and learning experiences. Participants rated enhance social equity above 5 for University 1 and just below 5 for University 2 and job security above 5 for University 2 but above 4 for University 1. Other factors that participants rated above the scale midpoint of 4 were job transferability and time for family, at University 2. The only factors for which mean ratings were below the scale midpoint were fallback career, social influences, and time for family at University 1, indicating that participants perceived those as less important influences on the decision to teach (see Table 7).

Participant responses to the beliefs about teaching constructs revealed that they perceived a career in teaching as highly demanding and yet providing for low returns. The group as a whole believed teaching was an expert and demanding career, with group means above 5 for expert career and high-demand constructs. Social dissuasion was rated above the scale midpoint for University 1 and close to it for University 2, signaling that others discouraged them from teaching as a career. Participants rated salary below the scale midpoint, signifying their belief that teachers do not earn a good salary. They also rated social status below the scale midpoint for University 1, but slightly above it for University 2, indicating relatively low perceptions of teaching as a career high in social status (see Table 7).

We also show means for our higher order factors in Table 7. These were highest for social utility value, rated above 5 on the 7-point scale. Participants rated higher order personal utility value lower, but still above the scale midpoint. For the two higher order factors assessing beliefs about teaching, perceptions of task demand were high (above 5), whereas perceptions of task return were below the scale midpoint.

Mean ratings for respondents’ satisfaction with teaching as a career choice were high (M = 5.87, SD = 1.10, for University 1; M= 5.96, SD = 1.02, for University 2). Factors that correlated most strongly with this outcome variable across both University samples were intrinsic value (Φ = .71 for University 1, .78 for University 2), work with children/adolescents (Φ = .51 for University 1, .47 for University 2), perceived teaching ability (Φ = .45 for University 1, .43 for University 2), make social contribution (Φ = .46 for University 1, .33 for University 2), and shape future of children/adolescents (Φ = .43 for University 1, .35 for University 2). It is important to note that these factors were also those rated most highly in terms of mean scores. Participants who chose teaching for these reasons were also those most satisfied with their career choice, providing additional support for the importance of these highly rated motivations.

Longitudinal Relations of Entry Motivations and Beliefs About Teaching With Exit Teaching Engagement and Career Development Aspirations

Participants’ motivations for and beliefs ab\out teaching on initial entry to teacher education correlated with their Phase 2 exit teaching engagement and career development aspirations (see Table 8). The initial Phase 1 satisfaction with choice measure correlated substantially and highly statistically significantly with the satisfaction measure at Phase 2, providing evidence that this remained reasonably stable over the period of the teaching degree. Phase 1 satisfaction with choice also correlated highly statistically significantly with all longitudinal Phase 2 outcome variables, providing some support for researchers who may wish to use this as a proxy outcome in studies involving only one time point.

Longitudinal outcomes for teaching motivations. The motivations that correlated most positively and statistically significantly with Phase 2 outcome variables included those motivations that were rated highest by participants on entry to initial teacher education, which had also correlated highest with the initial satisfaction with choice subscale (i.e., intrinsic value, perceived ability, work with children/adolescents, make social contribution, and shape future of children/adolescents). Although none of the correlations between these motivations and longitudinal outcome variables was high, the pattern of positive relationship was consistent across the set of Phase 2 outcomes. Intrinsic value, perceived ability, and work with children/adolescents constructs exhibited significant positive correlations across the full set of five longitudinal outcome variables, whereas the make social contribution construct correlated significantly with all outcomes but planned effort; and the shape future construct correlated with all outcomes except planned professional development and leadership aspirations. This provides strong support for the importance of these motivational factors in influencing beginning teachers’ subsequent commitment and engagement with teaching as a career.

We also identified positive and significant correlations between prior teaching and learning and all five outcome variables; between enhance social equity and each of Phase 2 planned persistence and leadership aspirations; and between social influences and Phase 2 leadership aspirations. These motivations, although not necessarily the highest rated at degree entry, are therefore also important indicators of later teaching commitment and engagement.

In contrast, we observed statistically significant and negative longitudinal relationships between entering teaching as a fallback career and all Phase 2 outcome variables except leadership aspirations. It is intriguing to note that personal utility factors (job security, time for family, and job transferability) all exhibited either negative or nonsignificant correlations with the outcome variables. In the main, these correlations were not statistically significant, although significant negative correlations occurred between job security and Phase 2 satisfaction with choice, as well as between job transferability and Phase 2 planned persistence.

Longitudinal outcomes for beliefs about teaching. We might have expected that task demand factors (expert career and high demand) along with social dissuasion would correlate negatively and that task return factors (social status and salary) would correlate positively with the longitudinal outcomes. In fact, we found no significant correlations between high demand, salary, or social dissuasion and any of the Phase 2 outcome variables. Participants who viewed teaching as higher in social status on degree entry planned to exert greater effort at Phase 2 and to persist longer in the teaching profession. Contrary to expectation, individuals who viewed teaching as a highly expert career on entry to teacher education planned to exert greater effort at Phase 2, undertake more professional development, persist longer, and aspire to leadership positions in schools.

Discussion

The primary purpose of our study was to assess the psychometric properties of our FIT-Choice scale. We found that it displayed sound convergent and divergent construct validity and good reliability across two independent, largescale, and representative samples. The FIT-Choice scale developed from the basis of the expectancy-value theory, therefore provides a psychometrically and theoretically strong framework to guide future research into the choice of teaching as a career. Use of our empirically validated theoretical framework as represented in our scale provides a theoretically integrated approach to examine motivations for choosing teaching as a career. The expectancy-value model of Eccles, Wigfield, et al. (e.g., Eccles, et al., 1983; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000) has provided a useful framework for us to understand the question of why people choose to pursue a teaching career-encompassing themes that have been previously identified in the teacher education and general career choice literatures.

Our sampling design and high response rates imply that our findings are likely to be representative of initial teacher education candidates across the two universities sampled. Our continuing research program includes teacher education candidates from additional universities across Australia, the United States, Germany, and Norway, in which we will be able to contrast and contextualize the entry motivations for teaching of candidates across different cultural settings (Watt, Richardson, Klusmann, Kunter, Beyer, & Trautwein, 2007). In our present analysis, motivations appeared quite similar across the two Australian institutions, with intrinsic value, social utility value, and perceived teaching ability emerging as the highest rated influences on the choice of a teaching career, followed by positive prior teaching and learning experiences and personal utility value. Those motivations also correlated positively with longitudinal outcome factors tapping planned teaching engagement and career development aspirations, with the exception of the personal utility factors, which mostly demonstrated no relationship with measured outcomes and in two cases demonstrated negative relationships, supporting previous suggestions of such motivations’ being possibly detrimental (e.g., Sparkes, 1988; Woods, 1981; Yong, 1995).

Our social utility value higher order factor resembles altruism as variously described in the teacher education literature (Book & Freeman, 1986; Brown, 1992; Fox, 1961; Joseph & Green, 1986; Serow, Eaker, & Ciechalski, 1992), which has been identified as an influential factor in choosing a teaching career in previous studies, many of which were smaller and exploratory. Researchers have also linked positive prior teaching and learning experiences, especially in the form of former influential teachers, to choosing a teaching career (Book & Freeman; Fielstra, 1955; Lortie, 1975; Richards, 1960; Robertson et al., 1983; Wright, 1977), as they have linked various quality of life issues, such as having time for family and job security, particularly during times of economic downturn (Jantzen, 1981; Richardson & Watt, 2005; Tudhope, 1944), which we assessed through our personal utility value higher order construct. Teacher education researchers have focused less on intrinsic value and perceived ability, whereas in the motivation literature such constructs are the main focus of several models, including the expectancy-value model; and ability-related beliefs have been the focus in the career choice literature more generally. We have demonstrated that these constructs are also important influences in the context of motivations for teaching as a career choice and furthermore relate positively to a range of longitudinal planned teaching engagement and career development aspiration outcomes.

We were pleased to find that choosing to teach as a fallback career was rated very low as a motivation for entering the profession. It appears that teaching is by and large a career of choice and not something that people fall back on when their other choices are not realized (i.e., the notion canvassed by Tudhope [1944] and identified by Haubrich [1960] as the “mattress” factor or “something to fall back on”). A study of career switchers lends further support to this finding (Richardson & Watt, 2005). Social influences exerted a relatively weak influence on choosing teaching, likely because respondents also reported moderate levels of social dissuasion. This result may not be surprising because of the current low status of the teaching profession in Australia (Ramsay, 2000) and elsewhere (Crow et al., 1990; Liu et al., 2000; OECD, 2005). In a similar vein, teaching was believed to be a highly demanding career that provided low returns in terms of status and salary. It is interesting to note that perceiving teaching as a highly expert career related positively to all but one of our longitudinal outcome variables, supporting notions that individuals may be attracted to teaching as an intellectually demanding and cognitively stimulating career (see Richardson & Watt, 2006). Despite or perhaps because of these perceptions of the teaching profession, participants in both of our samples, across two time points, reported high levels of satisfaction with their choice of a teaching career. It will be of particular interest to monitor participants’ career satisfaction as we follow their progress into the teaching profession.

Our empirically validated FIT-Choice model has confirmed the importance of a number of factors previously identified within the teacher education literature. Furthermore, our comprehensive framework has shown the relevance and importance of additional factors not previously focused on. In particular, intrinsic value and ability beliefs, which are emphasized as the major influences in the expectancy-value framework, were among the highest rated motivations for choosing a teaching career. Participants rated those influences \similarly highly to the social utility factors that have been the main focus of the teacher education research to date. Our study, incorporating identified themes from that literature within expectancy-value theory and contextualizing these in our new FITChoice framework, has thereby extended our understanding of motivational influences on the choice of teaching as a career.

This work is timely now, at a time when governments and employing authorities around the world confront growing teacher shortages and attempt to improve teacher recruitment and supply, restructure teachers’ work and careers, and reform initial teacher education and professional development. Although teaching would appear to be an occupation considered central to a country’s well-being, Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom, and many European countries are experiencing difficulties in recruiting and retaining teachers (see Johnson & Birkeland, 2003; Liu et al., 2000; OECD, 2005; OFSTED, 2001; Preston, 2000). Countries in Europe are experiencing similar problems in attracting, developing, and retaining teachers, with teacher policy a high priority among the 25 participating countries of the OECD (2005). At the same time the teaching force in Australia, the United States, and a number of European countries is aging. For instance, in 2001, the median age of teachers in Australia was 43 years, with 44% of teachers over the age of 45 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2003). In some European Union countries, half the teaching force is over the age of 40 (European Commission, 2000). Unfortunately, salaries, employment conditions, and the social status of teachers (Committee for the Review of Teaching and Teacher Education, 2003; Ramsey, 2000) continue to make teaching a less-than-attractive career option (Coolahan, 2002; Kyriacou & Coulthard, 2000; Liu et al.).

For some time, employment authorities in the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and Europe have advertised in an effort to attract people from out of other careers into teaching. Our strong empirical findings regarding those motivations that have attracted people to pursue teaching as a career will be of particular use to such groups. Agencies conducting current and recent recruitment campaigns have tended to focus on a limited subset of motivations, predominantly relating to the opportunity to make a social contribution and the opportunity to work with children, likely limiting their audience and effectiveness. An expanded focus, which includes additional social utility values (opportunities to shape the future and enhance social equity) and introduces intrinsic values and individuals’ perceptions regarding their teaching-related abilities, promises to yield more effective results. Furthermore, such an approach promises to attract individuals to the profession who will enter their teaching career both committed and engaged.

In this article, we have described the development and validation of the FIT-Choice scale, for which we have provided sound evidence of reliability and convergent and divergent construct validity. In addition, we have presented findings that summarize the most important influences for two large cohorts in selecting teaching as a career. Moreover, we have presented evidence for the predictive utility of our FIT-Choice factors through examining longitudinal relations with a range of teaching engagement and career development aspiration factors at participants’ degree exit. These findings, from two large-scale representative samples of prospective teachers, are applicable both to guiding teacher recruitment, through the targeted marketing of teaching degrees and careers, and to tailoring teacher education to the goals and interests of enrolled candidates. Our FIT-Choice scale, developed through framing suggestions from prior studies in teacher education and the general career choice literature within an expectancy-value motivational framework, provides an integrative and robust measure to guide future investigators of teaching as a career choice.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This research was funded by ARC Discovery Grant DP0666253, which was awarded to Paul W. Richardson and Helen M. G. Watt (equal co- chief investigators) and Jacquelynne S. Eccles (partner investigator). The authors thank Dr. Ray Debus, from the University of Sydney, for his suggestions and feedback on an earlier version of the article and Professor Jacquelynne S. Eccles, from the University of Michigan, for valuable discussions about their ideas.

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‘We Have Been Our Own Worst Enemy,’ Pier 1 CEO Says

By Heather Landy, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Texas

Apr. 13–For three years, Pier 1 Imports executives have struggled to make sense of their company’s troubles. They blamed their slowdown on competition from Target Corp. They blamed the war in Iraq. And they blamed the end of Friends and the subsequent dismantling of NBC’s “Must See TV” Thursday night lineup, once a prime advertising slot for the retail chain.

It appears that Target, the war and Jennifer Aniston are off the hook, based on the assessment of Pier 1’s new chief executive, who says that the most successful retailers constantly evolve their merchandise style and evaluate costs.

“After eight weeks at Pier 1, it is crystal clear to me that we have been our own worst enemy because we haven’t done those things,” said Alex Smith, who joined Pier 1 in February after 10 years with TJX Cos., the parent company of off-price retailer T.J. Maxx.

In his first public comments since taking the helm at Pier 1, Smith told analysts on a conference call Thursday that the home-furnishings chain neglected the need for gradual tweaks that could have kept its merchandise current, and then went too far when it abruptly narrowed its selection and trotted out modern designs that alienated customers.

Smith outlined his plans for revamping the company, its stores and the merchandise mix as the company reported a fiscal fourth-quarter loss of $58.7 million, or 67 cents a share, compared with a loss of $9.98 million, or 11 cents, a year earlier. Sales in the three months ended March 3 fell 6.4 percent to $473.7 million, including an 11 percent drop in revenue at stores open at least a year. Inventory write-downs, mainly for the Modern Craftsman collection, accounted for $32.5 million of the quarterly loss.

Officials declined to give financial forecasts for the current quarter.

Part of Smith’s plan to return Pier 1 to profitability after two years of losses is to bring in a broader assortment of goods in a wider variety of colors and styles.

“The historical strength of Pier 1 was really catering to a very broad group of customers, and that’s exactly what we’re going to get back to,” Smith said. “Pier 1 can’t survive as a tightly focused niche retailer. It just doesn’t work.”

His other strategies include reducing costs, beefing up the merchandise-buying team, squeezing more efficiency out of the supply chain that moves goods from vendor factories to Pier 1 stores and developing a more cost-effective marketing plan.

“They’re not revolutionary or particularly original,” Smith said of his ideas. “They are just the things any well-run retailer would do.”

Smith declined to give a timetable for introducing new merchandise, which can take several months to source, produce and transport from overseas factories. But he said he has confidence in the team he inherited from former Chief Executive Marvin Girouard, saying it has the “ability and the will to return our brand to its former strength.”

Management experts said Wall Street is likely to keep a short leash on Smith and his senior executive team, which was kept intact while 100 other headquarters workers and 75 employees in field offices across the country lost their jobs two weeks ago.

“There’s been very little change at Pier 1, outside the CEO, for a company that’s had a lot of problems,” said Richard Jacovitz, senior vice president at Liberum Research, which tracks executive turnover. “I don’t think he [Smith] has a long honeymoon to say the least. He’s got to show that he’s going to be changing direction.”

Smith already has put his stamp on the Fort Worth-based company.

In addition to slashing $17 million from the payroll with the recent job cuts, he created a planning and allocation department to oversee inventory and price markdowns — tasks that used to be handled by the stretched-too-thin buying team, he said — and he signed off on plans to close 60 stores this fiscal year.

Pier 1 Kids stores will account for 10 closings. The children’s furniture chain had been growing since Pier 1’s 2001 acquisition of Cargo Furniture, which eventually became Pier 1 Kids. But Chief Financial Officer Cary Turner said the company no longer sees the chain as viable as a stand-alone operation and may look at melding the concept into Pier 1 stores.

Store closings was one of the topics that a new shareholder with a 5.5 percent stake in Pier 1 addressed this week in a letter to the board.

New York-based hedge fund Elliott Associates suggested that the company shut 250 to 300 of its 1,200 stores, in addition to slashing overhead. The fund also suggested bringing in independent directors to help lead a turnaround.

Smith noted that at the end of fiscal 2008, the company will have closed about 160 stores over three years. And the company announced that it will expand its board this year by one seat to eight. Cece Smith, who has served as a director for retailers including Michaels Stores, and Robert Holland III, former U.S. executive director of the World Bank, were nominated to Pier 1’s board. Director James Hoak Jr. will not stand for re-election at the shareholders meeting in June.

The company also announced that it will no longer report sales on a monthly basis, saying that quarterly disclosures would be “beneficial to shareholders during this transition period” because they would be able to draw “more meaningful” comparisons in the context of quarterly expenses, merchandise margins and other figures.

Pier 1 shares (ticker: PIR) fell 24 cents in Thursday’s session, closing at $7.61.

Putting an end to huge shifts in style, like the sudden swing to a modern look, should help Pier 1 stabilize itself and reconnect with customers, said Carol Spieckerman, a principal with management consulting and retail strategy firm NewMarketBuilders in Bentonville, Ark.

“The worst could be over if they don’t make it worse,” Spieckerman said. “They can’t be all over the place.”

PIER 1 IMPORTS FINANCIALS

(Year-over-year comparisons)

Fourth-quarter sales: $473.7 million, down 6.4 percent

Fourth-quarter loss: $58.7 million; 67 cents a share

Full-year sales: $1.6 billion, down 8.6 percent

Full-year loss: $227.6 million; $2.60 a share

Alex Smith’s comments to analysts:

On Pier 1’s tough time: “To explain the performance of Pier 1 as something to do with competitors and outside forces is wrong.”

The competition: “Even if we did 50 percent [same-store sales comparisons] for the next five years, our market share would still be relatively modest, and so there is room for a very, very successful Pier 1 in the marketplace and a whole bunch of very, very successful competitors.”

Pier 1’s merchandise: “Those assortments did get somewhat stuck in a time warp. What the business did instead of kind of evolving them and moving them on, they changed them very dramatically.”

The need for a beefed-up buying team: “One of the strengths of Pier 1, and really a good competitive advantage for us, is we still have a buying organization where the buyers travel extensively. That needs a lot of feet on the ground, and I just think we’re under-resourced.”

His role in improving merchandise: “I intend to work very closely with the team, but I’m not going to pick the goods personally and write the purchase orders. But certainly in terms of direction and guidance, I will be there.”

——

Heather Landy, 817-390-7725 [email protected]

—–

Copyright (c) 2007, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Texas

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At 80, Doctor Not Yet Ready to Stop Working: Dr. Martha Lepow is Albany Med’s "Encyclopedia" on Pediatric Infectious Diseases

By Cathleen F. Crowley, Albany Times Union, N.Y.

Apr. 12–ALBANY — Dr. Martha “Marty” Lepow has seen things that young doctors today may never see.

She’s treated patients disfigured by polio, dealt with outbreaks of scarlet fever and treated potentially fatal cases of whooping cough. She dedicated her life to eradicating those diseases.

Lepow (pronounced lee-POW) is the nation’s most senior pediatric infectious disease expert. She recently celebrated her 80th birthday at Albany Medical College, where she still teaches and sees patients daily. Lepow says she will never retire.

“I’m happy to come to work every day,” she said.

If there is any question that this physician’s knowledge is out of date or her mind is fuzzy, put those thoughts aside.

Her colleagues still consult her on the newest treatment methods and she teaches the latest infectious disease protocols to third-year medical students. Until recently, Lepow was an editor of the American Academy of Pediatrics Red Book, which sets the national standards for diagnosing and treating the 200 childhood infectious diseases.

Gray hair and orthopedic sneakers are the only signs of her age.

“She’s like an encyclopedia,” said Pam Altman, a nurse practitioner who works with Lepow.

“She’s an excellent diagnostician and knows everything there is to know about infectious disease,” said Dr. David Clark, chief of pediatrics, who says “theoretically” he is Lepow’s boss.

Lepow is a favorite among the staff.

“From a teaching perspective, she is the ideal attending physician,” said fourth-year medical resident Nancy Zeitoun. “She will take the time to see patients with you and have a discussion with you after you see them.”

Zeitoun admits that the young doctors take advantage of Lepow’s kindness. They know if they call her at 11 at night with a question about a patient, Lepow won’t be annoyed. She’ll take as much time as they need, and often, Lepow will drive from her Albany home to check on the case herself.

“She’s patient and accessible,” she said.

Lepow was one of only seven women in the Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine’s class of 1952. Today, women represent more than half of the student body at Albany Medical College.

Lepow spent her internship and residency in the so-called virus lab at the City Hospital of Cleveland, where she treated cases of polio, tuberculosis, meningitis and whooping cough.

“It was like a Third World country,” she said.

In Cleveland, she worked under Dr. Frederick Robbins, who shared the Nobel Prize in physiology in 1954 for isolating the polio virus. Lepow worked on the clinical trials of the Salk vaccine.

She also met her husband, Dr. Irwin H. “Lee” Lepow, while working in the lab.

They raised three children together, and in 1979 they moved to Albany when Irwin was named president of Sterling Winthrop Research Laboratories in Rensselaer, which no longer exists. Her husband died in 1984.

Lepow joined Albany Med as head of the division of pediatric infectious disease and program director of the Clinical Studies Center at the college.

Over the past 29 years, she has served as head of the department of pediatrics, director of the cystic fibrosis center and director of the pediatric residency program.

Lepow has five grandchildren and two great-grandchildren. In her free time, she gardens, swims and plays the piano. She also performs with the Albany Medical College Chamber Players.

So, what’s her secret?

“Never stop moving,” she said.

Cathleen F. Crowley can be reached at 454-5348, or by e-mail at [email protected].

—–

Copyright (c) 2007, Albany Times Union, N.Y.

Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News.

For reprints, email [email protected], call 800-374-7985 or 847-635-6550, send a fax to 847-635-6968, or write to The Permissions Group Inc., 1247 Milwaukee Ave., Suite 303, Glenview, IL 60025, USA.

Scientists Discover Chemotherapy Sensitive Genes

Scientists have identified a set of genes that appear more sensitive to chemotherapy drugs and it is believed the discovery could lead the way to less toxic cancer therapies.

Researchers at UT Southwestern Medical Center used a quick-screen technology to isolate 87 genes that seem to affect how sensitive human cancer cells are to certain chemotherapy drugs. The finding may allow a lower dose of chemotherapy drugs without compromising effectiveness.

When the researchers blocked the action of the 87 genes inside isolated lung-cancer cells, they found that those cells were up to 10,000 times more sensitive to the chemotherapy drug paclitaxel, also known as Taxol.

The researchers used small molecules, called small interfering RNAs, to block the activity of individual genes. The researchers examined the survival of the lung cancer cells in order to determine which genes were involved in affecting the cells’ sensitivity to the drug. Over 20,000 genes in human lung-cancer cells were tested in this way.

The advantage of this technique is that it is very fast and genes can be tested in a short time period.

The researchers re-tested six genes that showed the most dramatic effect with Taxol and tried the same test using the chemotherapy drugs Navelbine and Gemzar, but the results were not as dramatic as those seen for Taxol.

The scientists said the current study tested only isolated cancer cells, so further studies will be needed to determine whether blocking the genes in living animals has the same effect.

At 80, Doctor Not Yet Ready to Stop Working: Dr. Martha Lepow is Albany Med’s “Encyclopedia” on Pediatric Infectious Diseases

By Cathleen F. Crowley, Albany Times Union, N.Y.

Apr. 12–ALBANY — Dr. Martha “Marty” Lepow has seen things that young doctors today may never see.

She’s treated patients disfigured by polio, dealt with outbreaks of scarlet fever and treated potentially fatal cases of whooping cough. She dedicated her life to eradicating those diseases.

Lepow (pronounced lee-POW) is the nation’s most senior pediatric infectious disease expert. She recently celebrated her 80th birthday at Albany Medical College, where she still teaches and sees patients daily. Lepow says she will never retire.

“I’m happy to come to work every day,” she said.

If there is any question that this physician’s knowledge is out of date or her mind is fuzzy, put those thoughts aside.

Her colleagues still consult her on the newest treatment methods and she teaches the latest infectious disease protocols to third-year medical students. Until recently, Lepow was an editor of the American Academy of Pediatrics Red Book, which sets the national standards for diagnosing and treating the 200 childhood infectious diseases.

Gray hair and orthopedic sneakers are the only signs of her age.

“She’s like an encyclopedia,” said Pam Altman, a nurse practitioner who works with Lepow.

“She’s an excellent diagnostician and knows everything there is to know about infectious disease,” said Dr. David Clark, chief of pediatrics, who says “theoretically” he is Lepow’s boss.

Lepow is a favorite among the staff.

“From a teaching perspective, she is the ideal attending physician,” said fourth-year medical resident Nancy Zeitoun. “She will take the time to see patients with you and have a discussion with you after you see them.”

Zeitoun admits that the young doctors take advantage of Lepow’s kindness. They know if they call her at 11 at night with a question about a patient, Lepow won’t be annoyed. She’ll take as much time as they need, and often, Lepow will drive from her Albany home to check on the case herself.

“She’s patient and accessible,” she said.

Lepow was one of only seven women in the Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine’s class of 1952. Today, women represent more than half of the student body at Albany Medical College.

Lepow spent her internship and residency in the so-called virus lab at the City Hospital of Cleveland, where she treated cases of polio, tuberculosis, meningitis and whooping cough.

“It was like a Third World country,” she said.

In Cleveland, she worked under Dr. Frederick Robbins, who shared the Nobel Prize in physiology in 1954 for isolating the polio virus. Lepow worked on the clinical trials of the Salk vaccine.

She also met her husband, Dr. Irwin H. “Lee” Lepow, while working in the lab.

They raised three children together, and in 1979 they moved to Albany when Irwin was named president of Sterling Winthrop Research Laboratories in Rensselaer, which no longer exists. Her husband died in 1984.

Lepow joined Albany Med as head of the division of pediatric infectious disease and program director of the Clinical Studies Center at the college.

Over the past 29 years, she has served as head of the department of pediatrics, director of the cystic fibrosis center and director of the pediatric residency program.

Lepow has five grandchildren and two great-grandchildren. In her free time, she gardens, swims and plays the piano. She also performs with the Albany Medical College Chamber Players.

So, what’s her secret?

“Never stop moving,” she said.

Cathleen F. Crowley can be reached at 454-5348, or by e-mail at [email protected].

—–

Copyright (c) 2007, Albany Times Union, N.Y.

Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News.

For reprints, email [email protected], call 800-374-7985 or 847-635-6550, send a fax to 847-635-6968, or write to The Permissions Group Inc., 1247 Milwaukee Ave., Suite 303, Glenview, IL 60025, USA.

Don’t Eat This Book: Fast Food and the Supersizing of America

By Francis, Charles A

Don’t Eat This Book: Fast Food and the Supersizing of America by Morgan Spurfock, Berkley Publishers, Penguin Group Inc., New York, NY, 2005, 308 pages. ISBN 0-399-15260-1

What sounds like a humorous book turns out to be deadly serious scholarship, and deals with a topic that could be deadly to our students. Don’t Eat This Book is the written chronicle and background for the highly popular recent movie Supersize Me. When this was shown in the campus union at University of Nebraska in Spring of 2005, more than 600 people crowded the ballroom to view the film and question the author. By now Morgan Spurlock has talked to student audiences on more than 200 campuses. Perhaps those of us in education need to learn a lesson on how to reach today’s students, and on how we can influence their behavior around one of the critical issues of our time: obesity in our culture.

Spurlock’s film was an immediate hit when it premiered at the Sundance Festival in 2004. Everyone remembers the man in excellent health who put himself on a completely fast food diet in this case McDonald’s for a 30-day period to see what the effects would be on his health. Carefully monitored by a team of three physicians and a professional nutritionist, he religiously continued to Super Size and consume what he calls junk food in spite of the advice of his medical consultants, excessive weight gain, and negative health indicators. As predicted, release of the movie resulted in a box office hit as well as a firestorm of controversy as those in the fast food industry responded with a vengeance. Herein lies the educational value of the project.

The obvious attention to an obesity problem and poor diets of many in this country are highly valuable for us to examine in courses in agronomy, economics and of course human nutrition. If the hip writing style and catchy anecdotes in a book like this can help college and university students connect with their own personal decisions about eating and exercise, that is a useful lesson that hopefully will help them develop lifelong habits as healthy food consumers. There is adequate documentation in 24 pages of notes and references on human nutrition and health to lead students to more in- depth reading on these important topics. Habits developed during college years can inform their choices for decades.

Higher order issues brought up by the book include the power of advertising, the connections between government agencies and corporate food companies, and the influence of industry on the political process. The book, the movie, plus discussions in class can promote critical thinking skills that help students sort out conflicting sources of information, differing opinions, and the importance of vested commercial interests in shaping information and messages they receive. The food companies, especially those selling fast foods, have an obvious stake in this discussion, and may use any available methods and arguments to discredit the author. As producer of the movie and author of the book, Morgan Spurlock has a vested interest in his future in media and his own credibility as the main actor and source of material for the book. This is a simple case study on a complex topic, and students must consider its value and validity compared to carefully replicated clinical trials with large numbers of participants. In addition, there are ethical issues to be considered as each individual student evaluates the sources of information, the methods used in the “experiment,” and the ways Spurlock has chosen to report the results.

Don’t Eat This Book must join two others in a valuable assessment of today’s diets and nutrition. Fast Food Nation by Eric Schlosser examined the entire fast food industry, its impact on nutrition, cultural habits related to food, economics, and social impacts on those who work in the industry. It is an equally entertaining trade book. Food Politics by Marian Nestle is a more scholarly treatment of our current food habits and nutrition, and how government and industry influence choices that are made in deriving food recommendations for people in the U.S. Taken together, these three books provide an accessible resource to our students, and can help them make rational choices that will influence their personal health for the rest of their lives. When agroecology is defined as “the ecology of food systems,” this focus on marketing and consumption can be a valuable resource to complement what students read about the production, economics, and environmental impacts of alternative food systems. We could use some equally entertaining media both books and film to reach today’s youth in a drastically different learning landscape than the one in which most of us grew up.

Charles A. Francis

University of Nebraska Lincoln

[email protected]

Copyright North American Colleges and Teachers of Agriculture Mar 2007

(c) 2007 NACTA Journal. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Brain Study Finds Male-Female Differences in Eye-Hand Co-Ordination

By KENYON WALLACE

OTTAWA (CP) – Women use more of their brains than men when it comes to driving a car, using a computer mouse or performing other visually guided actions, says a new study that suggests stroke victims should have different rehabilitation programs depending on their gender.

The way your brain “fires” in the split second before doing tasks that require eye-hand co-ordination depends on whether you’re a man or a woman, says Lauren Sergio, a York University professor and co-author of the study.

The study found that for females, areas in both the left and right sides of the brain were active during eye-hand co-ordination experiments. That occurred for men only when they were planning their most complex task: moving a cursor on a screen in the opposite direction to the one expected, using a joystick.

“We found that in females, there were three major brain areas involved in visually guided movement and they showed activity on both sides of the brain in most of the exercises in the study,” Sergio said in an interview.

“In contrast, male brains lit up on both sides only for the most complex exercise.”

The findings, published in February in the European Journal of Neuroscience, could have implications for the way stroke victims are rehabilitated, said Sergio, a kinesiologist who studies the mechanics of body movements.

“If the stroke is only on one side of the brain, a woman may have rehabilitation options that the man may have more trouble with because the woman may be able to perform tasks using the other side of her brain, which is used to being fired up,” Sergio said.

Health professionals should consider gender when designing rehabilitation programs for stroke victims, she said.

“We also need to recognize that men may have more trouble with rehabilitation, and may need to be checked more carefully before they resume everyday activities such as driving.”

The research focused on what happens in the brain when what the eye sees is disconnected from what the hand is doing. An example is looking at a computer screen but moving a mouse that is off to the side.

The brains of study participants were scanned by an MRI machine as they were given a series of increasingly complex tasks. The machine monitored brain activity up to the moment when movement started.

Dr. Antoine Hakim, CEO and scientific director of the Canadian Stroke Network, cautioned that gender is only one factor that should be considered in stroke rehabilitation.

“The reality is that when a patient suffers a stroke, so many characteristics of both the stroke itself and the individual become important determinants of how well they recover,” he said.

A victim’s education, family background and social environment are all considered along with gender when designing stroke rehabilitation programs. The most important factor in stroke recovery is the determination of the patient to get better, Hakim said.

“Does the patient say, ‘I’m going to beat this sucker?’ Or does he or she sense that they’ll never get better? How do I take attitude and convert it into proteins and new stem cells and new recovery pathways in the brain? These are the million-dollar questions.”

Hakim says Sergio’s conclusions are important because they confirm what rehabilitation workers have suspected for years: that men and women’s brains work differently and that gender plays a role in stroke rehabilitation programs.

“The brains of males and females are different,” he says, “So let’s celebrate.”

Google Faces Brain Drain As Anniversaries Hit

SAN JOSE, Calif. — Less than three years after going public, Google is confronting one of the more confounding consequences of its phenomenal success: a potential brain drain if its earliest — and richest — employees quit after earning the right to cash in the last of the stock options that made them millionaires.

Hundreds of the 2,300 Googlers hired before the Internet juggernaut’s initial public offering in August 2004 are hitting their fourth anniversary. When they do, they’ll be free to cash in the final portions of their pre-IPO options, collectively worth an estimated $2.6 billion before taxes.

So far, the exodus has been limited to a “handful of people,” said Stacy Savides Sullivan, Google’s chief culture officer and a 43-year-old pre-IPO millionaire herself. “We anticipated more because we think it would only be natural. We worry every day about this and hope we can stay ahead of it.”

Senior executives have viewed this problem as a significant risk and have been taking aggressive and innovative steps to retain early employees, including mixing in other forms of stock compensation and rolling out a first-of-its-kind, in-house market this month that will enable workers to sell even “underwater” options _ those with a grant price higher than the current stock price. Google also is working on softer issues, from conducting an annual “happiness” survey to outright coddling of critical talent.

Still, Google executives know some people will leave anyway: some because their jobs no longer seem challenging, others to start a restaurant, found a non-profit or build a dream house.

Despite the mind-boggling dollar figures, Google’s story is no anomaly. Every Silicon Valley start-up that dishes up stock options to lure workers faces a similar predicament if an initial public offering is successful.

“This is what any of these companies struggle with,” said Steve Patchel, a tech-industry pay consultant in Watson Wyatt’s Santa Clara, Calif., office. “There are all these moving parts. Nobody can ever get it perfect.”

Google’s story is also a case study of how companies must learn to manage overnight millionaires who think more like “volunteers” because they’re no longer motivated primarily by pay and can quit at any moment. Google’s pre-IPO crew, for instance, is sitting on $2 billion worth of options that have vested already and can be cashed in at a moment’s notice. And that doesn’t count the riches they took off the table last year alone by exercising more than 6 million options with strike prices ranging from a penny to the $85 IPO price.

Their good fortune could stir jealousies as less-fortunate later hires park their Hondas next to a cube-mate’s Ferrari, then head into the office to shoulder an equal share of the workload.

And when the stock price tails off after years of explosive growth, somehow companies like Google must reformulate their mix of pay, stock and perks to retain those already-wealthy workers and attract new recruits because options won’t continue to have a big payoff.

For now, though, hundreds of Google’s pre-IPO crew are still bound with “golden handcuffs.” Under Google’s vesting rules, employees typically earn the right to cash in 25 percent of their options when they hit their first anniversary, then the rest in monthly chunks over the next three years.

For example, if Google gave an employee 10,000 options in 2003 _ a figure some experts say is on the low side _ the typical pre-IPO Googler’s shares are worth an estimated $4.7 million, before taxes, based on last week’s closing stock price of $471.51 and recent grant-price data from Google.

In that case, sticking it out until the fourth anniversary would be worth about $98,000 a month, $3,200 a day or $400 an hour. That’s on top of regular salary and any other options, restricted stock or bonuses.

That kind of money would make anyone rethink their lives. With that in mind, Google also has drawn up lists of its most valuable pre-IPO “old-timers” and is pressing managers to keep tabs on their mood swings and professional goals. These workers are encouraged to speak up if they want to tackle a new job, work part time or take a leave before they start feeling burned out, for example.

“We always have to be understanding where their heads are at,” Sullivan said.

Google already has lost some key early employees. Among them are Doug Edwards, the marketing guy who named the “Adwords” advertising product that is Google’s golden goose, and Charlie Ayers, the chef who concocted the secret sauce of yummy food and old-fashioned fun that became a hallmark of Google’s corporate culture.

“There’s the notion that it’s not as much fun and that you don’t have to stay there if you don’t want to,” said Edwards, who resigned in 2005, shortly after his boss left. “You start looking for excuses, and they are not hard to find.”

Ayers said he always planned to leave Google after his options vested. “I joined Google for one reason,” he said. “I wouldn’t work that hard for anyone else ever again. I would only work that hard for myself.”

Ayers is writing a cookbook, working as a consultant to various companies and preparing to open a restaurant in Palo Alto, the Calafia Cafe, which will feature a menu of locally grown organic foods, similar to meals he whipped up at Google.

So far, most of the pre-IPO Googlers are hanging in there even after the initial grant that made them rich has vested. Susan Wojcicki, who joined Google shortly after the founders moved out of their first home in her Menlo Park garage, says she loves building new products. It is no coincidence, of course, that her title is vice president, product management.

Wojcicki says she stays because Google is a stimulating environment and because she has been able to comfortably balance her family with her job.

“It’s always been exciting, but this time is as exciting if not more exciting than it was in the past,” she said. “I have personal goals about what I want to achieve at the company, things I want to build.”

Sullivan can relate. Hired when Google had only about 50 employees, her first stock options finished vesting in 2003, though she said she didn’t mark the milestone because her husband handles their finances. People ask her all the time why she bothers to keep working.

“I know this sounds corny, but I still have fun here,” Sullivan said, then adds a remark that cuts to the heart of Google’s challenge.

“That’s the only reason I stay. If it weren’t enjoyable, I would leave.”

25 Symptoms You Must Not Ignore

NIGHT SWEATS

Most night sweats which can be severe enough to drench the sheets are caused by anxiety or stress. But they can sometimes be a sign of serious underlying illnesses such as TB and cancer of the lymph system (lymphoma).

A MOUTH ULCER THAT HASN’T HEALED WITHIN THREE WEEKS Normal mouth ulcers should heal within two to three weeks. Any that don’t may be cancerous and should be shown to your doctor or dentist.

Smokers and drinkers are most at risk from mouth cancer.

LOSS OF HEIGHT OR A BROKEN BONE FOLLOWING A RELATIVELY MINOR FALL Lots of perfectly healthy people break bones after a slip. But if the trauma was relatively minor, and you also noticed that you have lost a bit of height, you could have thinning of the bones (osteoporosis). Left untreated, osteoporosis is a major cause of pain, deformity and premature death.

COUGHING UP BLOOD

This often happens with infection, but may also be the only sign of an underlying lung cancer. Report it even if you are a non- smoker.

UNEXPLAINED WEIGHT LOSS

A vague symptom but one that always warrants investigation. It’s not normal to lose weight unless there is an obvious cause, and it always sets alarm bells ringing with doctors.

CHANGES IN YOUR BREAST

Hopefully every woman now knows the importance of reporting changes in their breasts such as a new lump, pain or differences in the nipples or skin to their doctor. And it applies to men, too it’s not only women who get breast cancer.

A TESTICULAR LUMP

Any new lump or swelling in or around the testicles should be reported to your doctor. Men between the ages of 19 and 45 are most at risk of cancer but it is comparatively rare.

More British men die of breast cancer than cancer of the testicle.

HOARSENESS LASTING MORE THAN SIX WEEKS

Persistent hoarseness, particularly in a smoker, can be a sign of cancer of the larynx (voicebox) and requires urgent referral to an ear, nose and throat specialist..

DIFFICULTY SWALLOWING

Anxiety can often give people the feeling they have a lump in their throat, but if food actually gets stuck (typically meat or bread) it may be a sign of cancer of the gullet. Report it immediately to your GP.

A NEW MOLE OR A CHANGE IN AN EXISTING ONE

Most moles develop by the time we reach our twenties and any new mole developing after this should be regarded with suspicion particularly if it is on the palms or soles. Use the ABCDE guide to spot suspicious changes in existing moles.

Alteration in appearance – normal moles do not grow darker, bleed or turn crusty.

Border irregularity – ordinary moles have smooth outlines.

Colour – most ordinary moles are even in colour, while suspicious ones often contain a variety of different hues.

Diameter – most ordinary moles are smaller than the thick end of a pencil (5-6 mm in diameter). Melanomas are often larger.

Enlargement – ordinary moles shouldn’t change shape over weeks or months, whereas melanomas do.

VAGINAL BLEEDING

There are two main types of vaginal bleeding that concern doctors. The first is bleeding after intercourse, particularly if it persists for more than a month in a woman over 35. The second is bleeding in women who have been through the menopause. There are innocent explanations for both, but they can also be a sign of cancer of the cervix or womb.

BLOOD IN YOUR URINE

Often accompanies comparatively innocent conditions such as cystitis and kidney stones but if it’s painless it can be a sign of cancer of the bladder or kidney particularly in people over the age of 45. Get it checked out..

DIFFICULTY GETTING OR MAINTAINING A PROPER ERECTION Erectile dysfunction/impotence may be the first sign of premature furring up of the arteries and should prompt further investigation to check hidden risk factors such as high blood pressure or raised cholesterol levels.

SKIN RASH

The most sinister type of skin rash is a petechial rash reddish purplish spots caused by bleeding into the skin. The key characteristic of a petechial rash is that it doesn’t blanch under pressure. Use the side of a glass tumbler to apply pressure over the rash and if you can still see it then it is petechial and you need to seek medical help. Causes range from the innocent (coughing and straining) through to the potentially life-threatening (meningitis and leukaemia)..

A CONVULSION

Loss of consciousness, with or without shaking of the limbs, in anyone other than someone known to have epilepsy, should always be checked out. It is up to your doctor to decide whether it is a simple faint.

Epilepsy tends to develop before the age of 20 and convulsions in older people may be a sign of a problem within the brain (including a brain tumour).

A SWOLLEN GLAND THAT DOESN’T SETTLE WITHIN A MONTH Swollen glands, particularly in the neck, are common and often related to minor throat infections. But any gland that hasn’t got smaller after three to four weeks needs checking out particularly if it is painless.

Enlarged non-tender glands can be a sign of lymphoma or cancer of the structures nearby..

A FUNNY TURN

You will often hear older people talking about having had a “funny turn” and it is easy to dismiss these. Causes vary from irregularities in heart rhythm, through to minor strokes. The latter are commonly a warning sign that a major stroke is imminent and should never be ignored. Tell-tale signs include headache, weakness of one side of the face, slurred speech and sometimes confusion. All can settle within a couple of hours but they still need looking into.

DISCOMFORT ON EXERTION

Furring up of the arteries supplying the heart, or the muscles of the leg, typically first shows up as discomfort on exertion chest or leg pain when walking briskly, particularly up hillson cold days. Don’t ignore it, book an appointment with your GP who can arrange the appropriate investigation..

RECTAL BLEEDING

Most cases of bleeding from the back passage are due to piles, but this is a diagnosis that can only be made by your GP after excluding other causes.

Report all cases of rectal bleeding to your doctor the most sinister ones tend to be painless with blood on, or in, the stool rather than just on the paper.

DIFFICULTY BREATHING WHEN LYING FLAT

Once again a symptom that tends totrouble older people and is an indicator of heart failure. Those affected typically sleep propped up on lots of pillows and if they slide off them during the night will wake feeling breathless and wheezing. The symptom is caused by fluid collecting on the lungs which causes little trouble when the person is upright, but which spreads over more of the lungs when they are lying flat on their back. Early intervention can dramatically improve symptoms but heart failure remains a common and serious condition the long-term outlook for most of those affected is worse than with most of the common cancers..

WAXY RING AROUND THE IRIS AND OTHER EYE CHANGES

If you are under 55, look in the mirror and examine the outer edge of the coloured part of your eye (iris). If there is a pale waxy ring around all, or part of your iris, it suggests you have high cholesterol levels and are at risk of premature heart disease and stroke.

This ring known as an arcus is common in older people in whom it may not signify anything. Changes in the eye can also give clues to high blood pressure, diabetes and even brain tumours..

A CHANGE IN YOUR FINGER NAILS

The hands can give a lot of clues to your general health and changes in the shape of your finger nails can be the only sign of lung cancer. Look at your nail from the side and you should notice a dip where the nail meets the cuticle and the skin of the finger. If this angle is lost and the nail rises at the cuticle then your finger could be “clubbed” and, while this can be normal in some people, it can be caused by an underlying lung cancer in others..

A CHANGE IN BOWEL HABIT

A persistent change in bowel habit nearly always to looser stools or diarrhoea that lasts for more than six weeks warrants investigation and, in the case of people over 60, rapid referral to exclude bowel cancer. A change to constipation is rarely sinister..

‘A persistent change in bowel habit warrants investigation’ ‘Any gland that hasn’t got smaller after three to four weeks needs checking out’

A SWOLLEN TENDER CALF

Painful swelling of the calf, particularly in women on the pill and anyone who has had a recent surgical operation, should be regarded as a deep vein thrombosis (DVT) until proven otherwise. If left untreated, part of the clot in the deep veins of the leg can break off and travel through the circulation to the lungs a potentially fatal complication known as pulmonary embolus..

‘Painful swelling of the calf should be regarded as a DVT until proven otherwise’

CHEST PAIN

If you develop unexplained central chest pain then consider dialling 999. Pain associated with a heart attack classically affects the centre of the chest and is often described as a feeling of tightness or “crushing”. It may travel into the neck and left arm and may be accompanied by sweating and a feeling of sickness. But it can even be tricky for a doctor to differentiate between all the different causes of chest pain.

If in doubt treat it as a heart attack..

Regency LTAC Hospital for Medically Complex Patients Accepted into HealthPartners Network

Regency Hospital of Minneapolis, a long term acute care hospital (LTAC) that provides intermediate critical care to acutely ill, medically complex patients, is now part of HealthPartners provider network.

“We are pleased to offer Regency Hospital as another option for HealthPartners members,” said Tina Morey, Hospital and Regional Network Manager for HealthPartners.

“As an LTAC we have the ability to redirect resources to provide the optimal level of care for acute critically ill patients. Our primary goal is to give the medically complex patient their life back,” said Deborah Graves, Regency Hospital of Minneapolis CEO. “We are delighted to accept HealthPartners patients as an in-network provider.”

Regency Hospital of Minneapolis, recognized for its superior outcomes for many illnesses such as ventilator weaning, respiratory failure, post CABG, wound care and others, cares for patients who live throughout Minnesota and the surrounding Border States.

HealthPartners (www.healthpartners.com) is the largest consumer-governed, non-profit health care organization in the nation with commercial and Medicare Advantage plans that received the highest rating of “Excellent” from the National Committee for Quality Assurance.

Regency Hospital Company is headquartered in Atlanta, Georgia and is a leading developer of intensive critical care hospitals for long stay acute patients. Regency presently has twenty hospitals open with several more in active development. Regency was formed by Rod Laughlin and Waud Capital Partners.

Waud Capital Partners, L.L.C. is a private equity investment firm founded in 1993 and located in Lake Forrest, Illinois. Waud Capital Partners has successfully completed over seventy investments in a wide range of industries, including adhesives, alarm monitoring, automotive components, coatings, consumer products, lighting, medical distribution, publishing, sealants and specialty hospitals.

For more information regarding Regency Hospital Company and/or Waud Capital Partners visit www.regencyhospital.com and/or www.waudcapital.com.

Gut Reaction; Hunger Grows for Probiotics – Beneficial Live Bacteria

Eating live organisms sounds like a grotesque “Fear Factor” episode or a crude fraternity prank. But some nutrition and medical experts say eating live bacteria may be just what the doctor ordered.

Called probiotics, these beneficial live bacteria are found naturally in most yogurts, tofu, sauerkraut, miso and other fermented products such as buttermilk and blue cheese. Probiotics reportedly help balance harmful bacteria in the digestive tract and create a more harmonious internal environment.

Several studies have shown that various strains of probiotics have been helpful in easing and preventing everything from gastrointestinal problems to vaginal infections and allergies. It’s no surprise that a number of new products – from special yogurts and drinks to cereals and snack bars – are jumping on the probiotic bandwagon.

Dannon has two probiotic products that claim to do different things. Activia, a flavored yogurt containing the company’s trademarked bacteria, Bifidus Regularis, is supposed to speed food through the digestive tract. DanActive, a yogurt drink with trademarked L. casei Immunitas, promises to strengthen the immune system.

Recently, Kashi introduced Vive with Lactobacillus, the first probiotic cereal “to help achieve digestive balance,” and Garden of Life has a probiotic snack bar with “a fermented Super Seed blend” to promote “microbial balance in the gut.”

Probiotics also are available in supplements. The bacteria are dormant in dried form and grow again when they reach the moist environment in your body.

The problem for consumers is figuring out which strains work for which conditions and which probiotic products actually work as promised.

“Today there’s a compelling number of controlled clinical studies that indicate that probiotics can have a real impact on human health,” said Mary Ellen Sanders, a microbiologist from Denver and the executive director of the International Scientific Association of Probiotics and Prebiotics. “But how they work and which products are really good is still a big subject of study and debate.”

Some medical experts say it may be worth the time, effort and money to investigate probiotics further.

“Probiotics show a lot of promise. They may decrease (the chances) of a pathogen getting into the blood stream,” said Dr. Robert Bonakdar, director of pain management at the Scripps Center for Integrative Medicine in San Diego. “Since 70 percent of our immune response is from our gut, it just makes sense to have billions of bacteria be your friend rather than your enemy.”

Our bodies carry about 100 trillion bacteria (and more than 400 types), mostly in the lower colon. The majority are the healthy kind that live and grow there and help prime our immune system so we can fight infection.

But there are some harmful bacteria lurking about. Stress, poor diet, illness, lack of rest and the use of antibiotics can disrupt the balance between good and bad bacteria, and that’s when infections and disease can happen.

Probiotic products appear to build colonies of healthy bacteria in the intestines that create a barrier to keep unhealthy bacteria from taking over in the bloodstream.

The elderly, the very young and those with a compromised immune system should steer clear of probiotics because of a risk of an infection from ingesting live organisms.

While healthy people may not require probiotics, regular doses of beneficial active bacteria in foods or supplements usually won’t hurt and may actually help maintain wellness by adding more positive flora in the gut. For these people, it’s enough to just eat some yogurt (with active cultures), tofu or another special probiotic product on a regular basis and not worry about which strain of good bacteria they’re getting.

But if you’re taking probiotics to specifically relieve particular symptoms or a medical condition, you must take the appropriate probiotic strain to see any results.

“You can’t generalize that all probiotics will do something like help diarrhea or strengthen the immune system. Different strains of probiotics have different characteristics and do different things,” Sanders said. “Consumers need to realize that just because one strain has been shown to be effective for diarrhea, for example, not all other strains of probiotics (will be effective) for that condition.”

Shopping for the right probiotic can be confusing and frustrating for consumers, she said, because most products and supplements don’t list the exact bacteria strain on the label. It’s also unclear how much of the bacteria is in a dose.

“When it comes to probiotics, you definitely want a high count,” Bonakdar said, adding that although there’s no official recommendation, 1 billion to 10 billion colony-forming units of bacteria once or twice a day are usually needed to get health benefits.

A study by Consumerlab.com, a White Plains, N.Y.-company that tests dietary supplements and foods and publishes results on its subscription Web site, concluded that about one-third of probiotic products do not contain the level of active bacteria they claim. Because these products are not regulated by the Food and Drug Administration, it’s strictly “buyer beware.”

And don’t expect to see a probiotic product that lists diseases and medical conditions that can be helped its by active bacteria.

“The manufacturers’ hands are tied. They can’t mention anything about disease because then they’d be considered a drug and the FDA would be on them,” Sanders said.

So, what’s the answer to finding an appropriate probiotic? As unscientific as it may seem, you may need to resort to good old trial and error.

“Use a manufacturer you trust or one recommended to you by a nutritionist or health-care practitioner, and try the product for a month,” Sanders said. “If it doesn’t help, try another product or two, (preferably in a) food. That way, you’re getting other nutrients and the probiotics are just an added bonus.”

Do Your Ears Hang Low? Heavy Earrings Can Cause a Piercing to Stretch, but EarLift Claims to Have Solved the Problem.

By Robbyn Brooks, Northwest Florida Daily News, Fort Walton Beach

Apr. 10–We’ve all seen items on shopping networks and late night television infomercials and wondered if those products really do the things they advertise. The Daily News is stepping in to save our readers heartache, and even some cash, as we do the shopping and find out “Does It Work ?”

o your ears hang low? Do they

Dwobble to and fro? It may be a children’s song, but for many fashionistas it’s a reality. With the growing popularity of “the bigger the better” earrings, earlobes are becoming strained and pulled out of shape.

But there’s a new product on store shelves that claims to solve the problem of saggy earlobes.

The EarLift by Telebrands Corp. is medical grade invisible ear lobe support tape.

The product box claims EarLifts will support stretched or torn ear lobes, relieve strain from heavy earrings and prevent further stretching.

But does the support tape actually work as the packaging says it does?

The instructions are simple.

Apply one EarLift tape patch on the back of the ear lobe and press firmly to secure. That’s it. Just slide your earring on as usual, including through the support tape. The packaging for the product, as well as the company’s Web site, show before and after photos that are drastically different. In some, it looks almost as if the problem never existed. But are the photos too good to be true? Eh, sort of. Although the patch did aid in some support for the earring, the ear still sagged. The instructions call for only using one of the 60 included pre-cut tape circles. But we decided to try two, just to see how that worked. There wasn’t much difference. So the patches do give a little oomph to a droopy lobe. But in no way is it as miraculous as the pictures and packaging claim. This product didn’t really work.

—–

Copyright (c) 2007, Northwest Florida Daily News, Fort Walton Beach

Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News.

For reprints, email [email protected], call 800-374-7985 or 847-635-6550, send a fax to 847-635-6968, or write to The Permissions Group Inc., 1247 Milwaukee Ave., Suite 303, Glenview, IL 60025, USA.

Overseas Adoptions No Safe Haven From Problems

CHARLOTTE, N.C. — In her final days as Kathryn’s mother, Pat Amon gathered belongings she wanted her daughter to have.

There was Mickey Mouse, Kathryn’s favorite stuffed animal. Her little blue tunic, worn to Daisy Scout meetings. And the ballet recital photo with a smiling Kathryn posing in a tutu.

Pat worked slowly, filling two shopping bags. Every item, loaded with memories, felt as if it weighed 100 pounds.

Nearly six years ago, Pat Amon traveled to Russia to adopt. She returned with a boy and a girl, and dreams of giving them a happy American childhood: a house with a pool, their own rooms, college savings accounts set up by doting godparents.

She knew the years ahead wouldn’t be easy. Children from orphanages can have developmental delays, physical shortcomings, mental difficulties. Still, she believed that problems could be remedied _ with the help of doctors and therapists. With a mother’s love.

Pat underestimated the challenges. International adoptions in the United States have tripled since 1990, to more than 20,000 a year, and the majority have happy endings. But Pat’s ordeal, far from unique, offers a caution to anyone considering the process. She’s telling her story to help others avoid her mistakes.

SEEMED SUREST ADOPTION ROUTE

For years, Pat worked as an infertility nurse, regularly witnessing the joy of women learning they were to be mothers. In 1999, after long consideration, she decided she wanted motherhood, too. She was 47 and unmarried. International adoption seemed the surest route. She made her first trip to Russia in 2000 and fell in love with Kathryn. Then named Elena, the 2-year-old was toddling around an orphanage in Astrakhan, in southern Russia. “She was just adorable,” Pat recalls, “just so happy and full of life.”

She would name the little girl after a beloved great-aunt. And when adoption officials pointed out a rosy-cheeked 3-year-old named Mikhail, she agreed to take him, too.

In May 2001, she brought the children to the south Charlotte, N.C., home she shared with her partner. Kathryn was 3; Mikhail, 4. (Pat changed Mikhail’s name, but requested it be withheld to protect his privacy.)

PROBLEMS START QUICKLY

From the start, Kathryn was difficult. While Mikhail hovered near Pat and chattered in Russian, Kathryn spent hours running through the house and balked when Pat tried to cuddle. “I would hug her. She would butt me. I would tell her, `You’re safe.’ We worked and worked on it.”

At 3, Kathryn hadn’t begun talking. Experts diagnosed motor and language delays. They noted that she avoided eye contact, hit her face when frustrated and rocked or butted her head against Pat when upset.

Over the next several years, Pat read books and saw psychologists to learn parenting techniques. She got Kathryn therapies _ speech, occupational and sensory integration. She took her to ballet to improve her coordination.

She even swaddled Kathryn in a blanket, holding and rocking her. Some experts say the technique helps children who never bonded to adults as infants.

Kathryn did progress. She learned to talk and willingly climbed into Pat’s lap. When Kathryn was baptized at age 5, the curly-headed girl in a yellow tulle dress charmed parishioners by following each “amen” with her own “A-men!”

But problems persisted. She remained defiant and aggressive, ignoring her mother, hitting her brother and the family’s dogs, head-butting a friend during a play date. She exhibited repetitive behaviors, asking the same question over and over or scratching her skin until it bled.

And Kathryn continued to pull away when Pat offered affection or attention. When Pat ignored Kathryn, however, the child sought her out. Such behavior suggested reactive attachment disorder, found in children who’ve spent early years in institutional or foster care. It’s characterized by hostility, lying and an inability to trust adults.

By the time Kathryn entered kindergarten, she was taking an anti-psychotic to control aggression and an attention deficit disorder drug. In 2005, after an epilepsy diagnosis, she began taking an anti-seizure drug, too.

RED FLAGS IGNORED

Why was Kathryn so troubled? Pat could only guess. Kathryn had been happy and affectionate in her orphanage. The one warning sign in her records _ a cerebral palsy diagnosis _ was deleted after a U.S. doctor reviewed a video of Kathryn and ruled it out.

Still, Pat knows she ignored red flags. One adoption official had told Pat not to adopt the girl.

“I just had this gut feeling there was something they weren’t telling me,” Pat says. “But did I ask? Of course not. I was thinking with my heart, not my brain.”

DIAGNOSES, STRAIN INCREASE

In 2006, Kathryn turned 8, still small for her age, but with a growing list of diagnoses that included attachment disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, epilepsy, mild mental retardation, attention deficit disorder.

She was getting worse. Calls from school became so frequent that Pat quit her nursing job.

In May, Pat found Thompson Child & Family Focus, a nonprofit that offers the county’s only residential treatment for attachment disorders. But Kathryn didn’t meet admission criteria because of her autistic tendencies and mental retardation. Thompson administrators were kind to let Kathryn stay in a weekday program, she says.

One June evening, Kathryn spit at her mother, attacked her brother and repeatedly threw herself onto the concrete patio. The next day, Pat drove her daughter to the emergency room at Behavioral Health Center CMC-Randolph. The psychiatric hospital admitted Kathryn. She stayed nearly a month.

Pat lives with a partner who didn’t want to be identified for this story. Legally, Pat was sole parent. She says she practically functioned as a single parent _ getting the kids ready for school, fixing meals, taking them to appointments, dealing with behavioral problems. Her partner was often away, traveling for work.

The strain was wearing her down. “I literally felt like I was losing it, mentally. My life was obsessed with Kathryn and Kathryn’s needs.”

NEARING END OF ROPE

Over the next three months, Pat requested therapeutic foster care for Kathryn so she and her son could have a break. Therapeutic foster parents are trained to care for mentally ill children. Pat also lobbied to send Kathryn to a program in New Mexico that treats attachment disorder. But a psychologist concluded she would be best treated at home.

In October, a foster mother was finally lined up, then fell through. With Pat threatening to give up parental rights, her case manager found a family through Lutheran Family Services. Days later, Pat learned someone had erred: Lutheran Family Services didn’t have a contract with the county for therapeutic foster care. Kathryn needed to return home.

No, Pat said. I won’t take her back.

In January, she e-mailed the N.C. chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness: “I have hit the wall and am so completely burned out. I don’t feel that I can continue to parent this child and this breaks my heart.”

Pat believes the state’s mental health system failed her. The system seemed bent on keeping Kathryn in her home, she says, even as Pat told professionals she couldn’t take it anymore. If Kathryn had been placed in residential treatment, she thinks they could still be a family.

Michelle Humphrey, who worked until recently for Charlotte’s Council for Children’s Rights, served as an advocate for Kathryn. She agrees mental health system delays made matters worse. So did Pat’s unwillingness to keep Kathryn at home, she says.

No one keeps statistics on failed international adoptions. Experts say they’ve grown increasingly common as the adoptions have boomed.

Some adoption experts criticize parents who give up their children, saying they treat the adopted child as a commodity that can be returned.

Others are reluctant to judge. “Walk a mile in a parent’s shoes before you say something like that,” says Dr. Dana Johnson of the University of Minnesota’s International Adoption Clinic.

NO LONGER KATHRYN’S MOTHER

The day Pat relinquished her parental rights, she brought to the courthouse two shopping bags she’d packed with the last of Kathryn’s toys and photos. “I wanted her to know about her life with us.”

After more than five years as Kathryn’s mother, Pat signed papers giving up custody and handed over Kathryn’s Russian birth certificate. She asked to see Kathryn once more. But it hasn’t come to pass.

Today, Kathryn Amon, now 9, is in DSS custody. Pat is no longer her mother.

Kathryn lives in a therapeutic foster home, Pat says, and could be adopted. Because of confidentiality rules, county officials won’t discuss her case.

Pat’s home has been peaceful these past few months. On weekday mornings, she fixes breakfast for Mikhail, 9, and packs his lunch. After school, she helps with homework and drives him to chess club.

Pat continues to second-guess her decisions.

She misses the little girl who loved stuffed animals and Barbies and anything pink.

She feels guilt and grief. And relief.

___

BEFORE YOU ADOPT A CHILD FROM OVERSEAS

_Choose a reputable adoption agency. Ask parents who’ve used the agency about their experience.

_Find parents who’ve adopted to act as mentors.

_Educate yourself about potential problems. Research therapists and mental health services that specialize in working with adoptive children. Take the same training as a foster care parent.

_Get written evaluations of the child’s medical records from at least two doctors. Ask for original records and have them translated into English yourself.

___

RESOURCES

Books

“Parenting the Hurt Child: Helping Adoptive Families Heal and Grow,” Gregory Keck and Regina Kupecky, ($22, Pinon Press); “Toddler Adoption: The Weaver’s Craft,” Mary Hopkins-Best, ($15, Perspectives Press); “When Love Is Not Enough: A Guide to Parenting Children With RAD,” Nancy Thomas, ($15, Families By Design.)

Web Site

www.adoptivefamilies.com, Web site for Adoptive Families magazine, includes an adoption guide, directories of resources and links to other adoption sites; www.radkid.org, a Web site about reactive attachment disorder.

_To learn about becoming a foster parent or adopting in Mecklenburg County: 704-336-5437.

___

OVERSEAS ADOPTIONS NO SAFE HAVEN FROM PROBLEMS

Prospective parents go abroad to adopt for many reasons _ to find younger children, to steer clear of birth parents who could disrupt the adoption, to avoid children damaged by abuse and neglect.

But international adoptions, which can cost $20,000 or $30,000, carry many of the same risks as domestic ones.

“This is a high-risk group no different than (children in) foster care in the United States,” says Thais Tepper of the Parents Network for the Post-Institutionalized Child.

Some adoption agencies and orphanages don’t reveal enough about potential problems, experts say. Parents can face issues that include mental retardation, sensory processing problems and attention deficit disorder. There’s also reactive attachment disorder _ characterized by hostility, lying and an inability to bond with adults.

The chances of problems rise the longer children stay in institutionalized care, experts say. In Russia, fetal alcohol exposure may compound difficulties.

As international adoptions have become more common, so have stories of parents who return children before the adoption is finalized, or of families who give up parental rights.

Dr. Ronald Federici, a Virginia-based neuropsychologist, says he’s dealt with hundreds of parents who’ve relinquished parental rights. About 80 percent of those had adopted from Eastern Europe and Russia.

“It’s become an epidemic,” he says. “Adoption agencies do not prepare the parents whatsoever. Parents panic. Parents get overwhelmed.”

FINDING HELP

Dr. David Douglass, a pediatrician with Cabarrus Pediatric Clinic, runs For the Children International Adoption Medical Services. The program helps prospective parents understand medical issues facing children they’re considering. Finding help for the children is often difficult, he says. “It’s really expensive. And most people don’t have a ton of experience (with) the behavioral health community.”

Some children’s advocates blame parents for going into adoptions blindly and giving up too easily. Others sympathize, citing the stress a troubled child places on a family.

NEW REGULATIONS

The United States is supposed to implement a treaty soon to regulate intercountry adoptions. It requires parents to get training and adoption agencies to give parents more information about children they’re adopting.

Tepper, with the Parents Network for the Post-Institutionalized Child, favors regulation, but she’s unsure how much the treaty will do: “If we were looking at anything else that came from any other country other than human beings” it would have been regulated years ago.

Coastal Fertility Medical Center Announces New Reproductive Endocrinologist Dr. Minoos Hosseinzadeh

Dr. Lawrence B. Werlin, founder and director of Coastal Fertility Medical Center, announced the addition of Dr. Minoos Hosseinzadeh to the Irvine, Calif.-based practice. Dr. Hosseinzadeh, board-certified in Obstetrics and Gynecology as well as Reproductive Endocrinology and Infertility, was brought on to accommodate demand at the burgeoning office and was selected based on her exceptional skills and reputation.

“Dr. Hosseinzadeh’s expertise and impressive background as a reproductive endocrinologist will undoubtedly reinforce Coastal Fertility Medical Center’s goals of bringing the highest quality of fertility treatments and personal care to our clients,” Dr. Werlin said.

Dr. Hosseinzadeh brings a wealth of knowledge to Coastal Fertility Medical Center. She performed an internship at McGill University in Montreal, Canada, and a four-year obstetrical and gynecology residency at the University of Ottawa in Canada. After completing a two-year fellowship program in reproductive endocrinology and infertility at the University of Cincinnati in Ohio, she served as co-director and division director of reproductive endocrinology and infertility of the OB/GYN residency program at the Riverside Regional Medical Center in Newport News, Va. While there, she had the opportunity to found the Riverside F.E.M.M.E. Institute, establishing IVF and Andrology laboratories before transitioning the institute into private practice. Dr. Hosseinzadeh also served as reproductive endocrinologist at the Fertility Center of New England, Inc. Just prior to joining Coastal Fertility Medical Center, she resided as reproductive endocrinologist at Abington Reproductive Medicine in Abington, Pa.

Dr. Hosseinzadeh received her medical degree from Laval University in Quebec, Canada, and is a member of the American Society of Reproductive Medicine, Society for Reproductive Endocrinology and Infertility, American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology and the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons.

Dr. Hosseinzadeh has presented at several national and international fertility meetings, including gatherings of the American Society for Reproductive Medicine. She has also authored numerous papers and abstracts in the fields of hormone replacement therapy and age-related female infertility. She is fluent in English, French and Farsi.

ABOUT COASTAL FERTILITY MEDICAL CENTER

Coastal Fertility Medical Center, founded in 1982, is the most established fertility center in Orange County. Irvine-based, Coastal Fertility Medical Center provides leading reproductive technology, research, education and patient services. Coastal’s founder, Dr. Lawrence Werlin, is recognized nationally among the leaders in the field of reproductive medicine. He is the co-founder of GENESIS Network for Reproductive Health and the principal investigator of a continuation study regarding the effects of PGD. For more information on Coastal Fertility Medical Center, visit www.coastalfertility.com.

He is the Worst of the Worst.. It is Absolutely Unbelievable Thathe is Being Considered for His Freedom

By Craig McDonald

SERIAL child sex beast James Ferguson, described as “the worst of the worst”, is making a bid for freedom after 38 years behind bars.

The twisted paedophile wants out of the State Hospital at Carstairs, where he has been locked up since 1969.

But yesterday a source at the hospital warned that he should never be let out.

The source said: “He is the worst of the worst . It is absolutely unbelievable he is being considered for any kind of move.

“He is the type who presents a more or less certain chance of re- offending.

“The correct environment for him is – and always will be – Carstairs, with its maximum security conditions.”

Ferguson is going to a mental health review tribunal nextmonth to apply for a move to a less secure unit – the first step towards freedom.

The former binman, dubbed “The Monster” when he was caught, admitted nine horrific attacks on young girls during a two-year reign of terror in Glasgow in the 1960s.

Detectives suspected him of many more and investigated 19 attacks in all.

Ferguson, now 61, was sent to Carstairs without limit of time after being shopped by his wife.

Barbara, then 25, saw him grab one of his victims.

But she said she did not realise what she had witnessed until she discovered he had been molesting an 11-year-old girl after their marriage broke down.

In five of the attacks, he mutilated his victims’ genitals with aknife.

The attacks on girls, aged two to 11, led to the Garnet hill, Townhead and Woodside areas being labelled the Square Mile of Terror.

After his arrest, his wife told how she and Ferguson met a little girl in Derby Street, near Kelvingrove Park.

She said: “Jim said he knew her and would take her home as her close was very dark. He took the girl by the hand and disappeared into the tenement.

“Suddenly there was a scream and I ran through the close – and there was Jim, the sleeve of his jacket torn and hanging off. There was no sign of the girl.

“He said not to worry because the girl was home in the top flat.

“Then he grabbed me, battered my head against the wall and said if I told anyone I would be found lying in my own blood.”

Barbara later found out the reason she hadn’t seen the girl was because Ferguson had thrown her into a basement.

Her marriage with the beast broke up and he moved from their home in Blackhill to lodgings in Royston.

Barbara said: “But he came back to see me regularly – at least I thought it was to see me.I found out he was tampering with an 11- year-old girl in the area.

“I remembered the Derby Street incident and phoned the police.”

Detectives had launched a manhunt in October 1967 after a savage assault near Glasgow’s St George’s Cross area.

A squad of 100 detectives worked day and night on the case. Members of the public joined the hunt for the maniac and even hardened criminals offered to help police.

But attack followed attack until Barbara called police two years later.

Police were sure they had their man because of a dimple on Ferguson’s chin – adetail they had kept to themselves.

It was revealed Ferguson, who was born in Lenzie, near Glasgow, and brought up in the city’s Bridgeton area, loved to dress as a woman with clothing taken from his wife.

He would walk Glasgow’s toughest districts dressed in high heels, tights and a mini-skirt and also had a fascination with white coats.

He worked as a dustman, learning about Glasgow’s labyrinths of tenement closes and lanes in the process. And he finished work in the early afternoon, allowing him to carry out his twisted crimes in daylight.

Among the charges he admitted was dragging a six-year-old girl into a back court at Barrington Drive, Kelvinbridge, raping her and seriously injuring her with a knife.

He also admitted raping and knifing another six-year-old and lewd and libidinous practices towards a five-year-old and 11-year-old.

Experts recommended Ferguson never be released and he is now thought to be Scotland’s longest-serving prisoner or secure hospital inmate.

At his trial, Dr John Rosie, of Dykebar Hospital, Paisley, said: “Ferguson has a character disorder that is of dangerous, violent and criminal propensities. He requires treatment of special security.”

Ferguson also admitted in letters to his wife that he didn’t know what he was doing and was unable to stop.

Judge Lord Grant sent him to Carstairs without limit of time. But last year, laws introduced to comply with the European Convention on Human Rights gave Carstairs patients the chance to challenge their security status and captivity.

The Mental Health Act gave patients the right to appeal to a tribunal against their detention. Those who succeed are moved to less-secure hospitals.

It is then only “a matter of time” before their release into the community.

Ferguson’s hearing will be held at Carstairs on May 22.

In February, the Scottish Tories said it was “utterly unacceptable” to shift mentally unstable criminals closer to the community and questioned the legality of such moves.

It was revealed 15 out of 32 appeals by patients to the Mental Health Tribunal had been successful. Seven involved patients in the highest risk category.

Asource said yesterday: “Sometimes the powers-that-be need reminding of why people are in places like Carstairs. The new rules might be fine for people at the lower end of the scale.

“But the clear feeling is the worst offenders must remain detained under the most secure conditions – that means Carstairs.

“Ferguson’s record speaks for itself. He terrorised a city and the crimes he committed are almost beyond belief.

“He was detained without limit of time by a judge in possession of all the facts and that was the correct sentence.”

Last month, the Record told how two of Scotland’s worst knife fiends are also taking their first steps towards freedom following the changes in the law.

Gregor McGurk and Owen Bonner have been deemed fit for a move out of Carstairs.

They were due to be housed in a less-secure clinic next to a primary school.

A spokeswoman for Carstairs said she was unable to comment on individual cases.

‘Ferguson terrorised a city and the crimes he committed are almost beyond belief’

(c) 2007 Daily Record; Glasgow (UK). Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine Establishes Department of Plastic Surgery

Case Western Reserve University Interim President Gregory L. Eastwood, M.D., has announced the establishment of the department of plastic surgery at the school of medicine. Bahman Guyuron, M.D., distinguished faculty member who holds the Clifford L. Kiehn M.D., – John D. DesPrez M.D. Professorship of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery has been named chair of the newly-created department. The department is a joint academic and clinical department between Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine and its primary clinical affiliate, University Hospitals Case Medical Center.

As chair of the department of plastic surgery, Guyuron will coordinate the re-establishment of the plastic surgery residency program, collaborate with Case affiliate hospital institutions to attract accomplished mid-level faculty and promote advances in translational research within the department.

“Plastic surgery is an area of unique emphasis and expertise,” Eastwood said. “Bahman Guyuron and his team represent the best in both clinical skills and the advancement of science through translational and basic research. We are pleased to establish a department dedicated to this area of medicine.”

Pamela B. Davis, Interim Dean of the school of medicine, agreed. “We are thrilled the University and Board of Trustees have endorsed this department and have selected Dr. Guyuron to lead the initiatives,” she said. “Dr. Guyuron is passionate about his work and is prepared to implement the foundational components needed to establish an innovative plastic surgery education and research program.”

Guyuron currently serves as director of the American Board of Plastic Surgery, is a member of 19 professional societies, holding leadership offices in many of them, and is a scientific reviewer for leading journals in the field. In addition, he is an international authority and leader in the field of facial aesthetic and reconstructive surgery and has authored 159 peer-reviewed articles, two books, 32 chapters along with five chapters ‘at press’ in the field of reconstructive surgery. His primary research focus is migraine headaches and cartilage growth and he currently has a $3 million clinical and basic science grant from the Prentiss Foundation.

“I am delighted to provide leadership to this newly established department of the School of Medicine,” Guyuron said. “I look forward to pursuing our academic, research and clinical missions jointly as part of the Case Medical Center.”

About Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine

Founded in 1843, Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine is the largest medical research institution in Ohio and 12th-largest among the nation’s medical schools for research funding from the National Institutes of Health. Eleven Nobel Laureates have been affiliated with the school.

The School of Medicine is recognized throughout the international medical community for outstanding achievements in teaching and in 2002, became the third medical school in history to receive a pre-eminent review from the national body responsible for accrediting the nation’s academic medical institutions. The school’s innovative and pioneering Western Reserve2 curriculum interweaves four themes–research and scholarship, clinical mastery, leadership and civic professionalism–to prepare students for the practice of evidence-based medicine in the rapidly changing health care environment of the 21st century.

Annually, the School of Medicine trains more than 600 M.D. and M.D./Ph.D. students and ranks in the top 25 among U.S. research-oriented medical schools as designated by U.S. News and World Report Guide to Graduate Education.

The School of Medicine’s primary clinical affiliate is University Hospitals Case Medical Center and is additionally affiliated with MetroHealth Medical Center, the Louis Stokes Cleveland Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center, and The Cleveland Clinic Foundation, with which it established The Cleveland Clinic Lerner College of Medicine of Case Western Reserve University in 2002. http://casemed.case.edu

Unum Says Cancer Still No. 1 Cause of Disability, but Survival and Return-to-Work Rates Are Increasing

Cancer continues to be the No.1 cause of long-term disability, Unum (NYSE: UNM) reports in its sixth annual review of disability claims. Unum, the leading provider of group disability insurance in the United States, says that cancer was responsible for more than 12 percent of its long-term disability claims in 2006, with breast, colon and prostate cancer as the most prevalent types. For short term disability, pregnancy topped the list.

“The emotional, financial and workplace impact of cancer is significant and it will continue to grow, as the American Cancer Society says the prevalence of cancer will double by 2030,” says Kenneth Mitchell, Ph.D., Unum vice president of health and productivity.

The National Institutes of Health estimates overall costs for cancer in 2006 at $206.3 billion: $78.2 billion for direct medical costs; $17.9 billion for cost of lost productivity due to illness; and $110.2 billion for cost of lost productivity due to premature death.

There has been remarkable improvement over the past 20 years, however, in the survival rates for cancer beyond the five-year mark. The National Cancer Institute reports a 100 percent five-year survival rate for prostate cancer, 89 percent for breast cancer and 65 percent for colon cancer.

“For many, a cancer diagnosis no longer means permanent disability or death,” Mitchell said. “With the success of new screening and treatment protocols, various cancers are becoming more of a chronic disease to be managed. It’s about living beyond the disease.”

Unum’s data reflects this trend. Individuals filing a disability claim for breast, colon or prostate cancer are beating the disease in greater numbers and returning to the workforce. Since 2001, we report the following:

A 96 percent increase in return to work for breast cancer claimants on short term disability, and 14 percent increase for claimants on long term disability

A 65 percent increase in return to work for colon cancer claimants on short term disability, and 24 percent increase for claimants on long term disability

A 72 percent increase in return to work for prostate cancer claimants on short term disability, and 36 percent increase for claimants on long term disability.

For the same time period, Unum reports a dramatic increase in the sales of voluntary critical illness and cancer policies. In 2006, the company sold 85 percent more of these voluntary policies than in 2002.

“It’s good news that cancer care is increasingly effective in improving survival rates,” says Mike Simonds, senior vice president of product development and marketing. “However, the treatment and recovery typically imposes a significant financial burden. Benefits provided through a voluntary critical illness policy can provide valuable financial support during a stressful life experience.”

Top causes of disability absence for 2006

Besides cancer and pregnancy, Unum’s research has identified other leading causes of disability absence in 2006. This annual report on disability trends is based upon 2006 data from the company’s disability database — the largest private database of its kind in this country. The database tracks 26.8 million covered individuals and an estimated 178,000 employer policyholders.

The causes of claims and the percentage received for each cause were as follows:

Long term 12.1 percent – Cancer 11.7 percent – Complications of pregnancy 10.1 percent – Joint/muscle/connective tissue diseases 8.2 percent – Back injuries 8 percent – Cardiovascular disease

Short term 20 percent – Normal pregnancy 9 percent – Injuries (not including back) 7 percent – Digestive/intestinal diseases 7 percent – Reproductive/urinary system diseases 7 percent – Pregnancy (complications)

Unum received more than 400,000 new disability claims in 2006 and paid $4.2 billion in disability benefits to individuals and their families.

About Unum

Unum (www.unum.com), formerly UnumProvident, is one of the leading providers of employee benefits products and services, and the largest provider of group and individual disability income protection insurance in the United States and the United Kingdom. Through its subsidiaries, Unum Group insures more than 25 million people and provided $6.2 billion in total benefits to customers in 2006.

Disease Underlies Hatfield-McCoy Feud

By MARILYNN MARCHIONE

The most infamous feud in American folklore, the long-running battle between the Hatfields and McCoys, may be partly explained by a rare, inherited disease that can lead to hair-trigger rage and violent outbursts.

Dozens of McCoy descendants apparently have the disease, which causes high blood pressure, racing hearts, severe headaches and too much adrenaline and other “fight or flight” stress hormones.

No one blames the whole feud on this, but doctors say it could help explain some of the clan’s notorious behavior.

“This condition can certainly make anybody short-tempered, and if they are prone because of their personality, it can add fuel to the fire,” said Dr. Revi Mathew, a Vanderbilt University endocrinologist treating one of the family members.

The Hatfields and McCoys have a storied and deadly history dating to Civil War times. Their generations of fighting over land, timber rights and even a pig are the subject of dozens of books, songs and countless jokes. Unfortunately for Appalachia, the feud is one of its greatest sources of fame.

Several genetic experts have known about the disease plaguing some of the McCoys for decades, but kept it secret. The Associated Press learned of it after several family members revealed their history to Vanderbilt doctors, who are trying to find more McCoy relatives to warn them of the risk.

One doctor who had researched the family for decades called them the “McC kindred” in a 1998 medical journal article tracing the disease through four generations.

“He said something about us never being able to get insurance” if the full family name was used, said Rita Reynolds, a Bristol, Tenn., woman with the disease. She says she is a McCoy descendant and has documents from the doctor showing his work on her family.

She is speaking up now so distant relatives might realize their risk and get help before the condition proves fatal, as it did to many of her ancestors.

Back then, “we didn’t even know this existed,” she said. “They just up and died.”

Von Hippel-Lindau disease, which afflicts many family members, can cause tumors in the eyes, ears, pancreas, kidney, brain and spine. Roughly three-fourths of the affected McCoys have pheochromocytomas – tumors of the adrenal gland.

The small, bubbly-looking orange adrenal gland sits atop each kidney and makes adrenaline and substances called catecholamines. Too much can cause high blood pressure, pounding headaches, heart palpitations, facial flushing, nausea and vomiting. There is no cure for the disease, but removing the tumors before they turn cancerous can improve survival.

Affected family members have long been known to be combative, even with their kin. Reynolds recalled her grandfather, “Smallwood” McCoy.

“When he would come to visit, everyone would run and hide. They acted like they were scared to death of him. He had a really bad temper,” she said.

Her adopted daughter, another McCoy descendant, 11-year-old Winnter Reynolds, just had an adrenal tumor removed at Vanderbilt Children’s Hospital. Teachers thought the girl had ADHD – attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Now, Winnter says, “my parents are thinking it may be the tumor” that caused the behavior. “I’ve been feeling great since they took it out.”

Her adoptive father, James Reynolds, said of the McCoys: “It don’t take much to set them off. They’ve got a pretty good temper.

“Before the surgery, Winnter, when we would discipline her, she’d squeeze her fists together and get real angry and start hollering back at us, screaming and crying,” he said.

As for the older McCoys, “they just started dropping dead of the tumors,” he said. “They didn’t know what it was. A name wasn’t really put on the disease until 1968. That’s when one of my brothers-in-law had to have surgery, to have some tumors removed in his brain. They started to notice tumors occurring in each of the family members.”

Dr. Nuzhet Atuk at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville and geneticists at the University of Pennsylvania studied the family for more than 30 years, Rita Reynolds said.

“They went back on the genealogy and all of that stuff,” she said. “They called it madness disease. They said that it had to be coming from the VHL. Our family would just go off, even on the doctors.”

Now 85 and retired, Atuk said he could not talk about his work because of medical confidentiality.

Rita Reynolds had two adrenal tumors removed a few years ago. Her mother and three brothers also had them. So do McCoy descendants in Oregon, Michigan and Indiana, she said.

“When you have these tumors, you’re easy to get upset,” said Rita’s mother, Goldie Hankins, 76, of Big Rock, Va., near the Kentucky-West Virginia border. “When people get on your nerves, you just can’t take it. You get angry because your blood pressure was so high.”

Still, many are dubious that this condition had much of a role in the bitter feud with the Hatfields, which played out in the hill country of eastern Kentucky and West Virginia for decades.

Some say the feud dates to Civil War days, when some members of the families took opposite sides. It grew into disputes over timber rights and land in the 1870s, and gained more notoriety in 1878, when Randolph or “Old Randal” McCoy accused a Hatfield of stealing one of his pigs. The hostilities left at least a dozen dead.

“The McCoy temperament is legendary. Whether or not we can blame it on genes, I don’t know,” said Randy McCoy, 43, of Durham, N.C., one of the organizers of the annual Hatfield-McCoy reunion. “There are a lot of underpinnings that are probably a more legitimate source of conflict.”

“There was a lot of inter-marrying” that could have played havoc with the gene pool, he conceded.

Another relative, Bo McCoy, of Waverly, Ohio, said he had never heard talk of the disease although he has been diagnosed with a different adrenal gland problem – Cushing’s syndrome.

Even Reo Hatfield, who drafted the “truce” the two families famously signed in 2003 to officially end hostilities, doubted the role of the McCoys’ disease in the feud.

“I would be shocked” if doctors blamed it on illness, he said.

Altina Waller, a professor of history at the University of Connecticut and author of a book about the feud, agreed.

“Medical folks like to find these kinds of explanations. Like the Salem witchcraft thing. That book came out about how that was caused by wheat that was grown that had this parasite or mold or fungus or something that caused everybody in Salem to go nuts,” she said.

“How does it explain the other dozen or so feuds that I’ve looked at in other places?” she asked, citing disputes over coal and other issues. “The rage and violence as such was not confined to McCoys.”

She acknowledges that an argument could be made for seeing the McCoys as the more aggressive of the clans.

“One of the reasons the McCoys don’t like me as much in the Tug Valley as the Hatfields do is that I seem to suggest that Randal McCoy, the patriarch of the family, was sort of irrational and flamboyant and did jump to, into wanting violence more than, say, Anderson Hatfield,” Waller said.

These days, the “feud” has taken a far more civil tone and all but disappeared, members of both families say. The last time it surfaced was in January 2003. McCoy descendants sued Hatfield descendants over visitation rights to a small cemetery on an Appalachian hillside in eastern Kentucky. It holds the remains of six McCoys, some allegedly killed by the Hatfields.

Associated Press National Writer Allen G. Breed in Raleigh, N.C., contributed to this report.

On the Net:

VHL Family Alliance: http://www.vhl.org  

NIH: http://www.ninds.nih.gov/disorders/von-hippel-lindau/von-hippel-lindau.htm  

http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ency/article/000340.htm

Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations Standards Expand External Peer Review Use By Hospitals

PORTLAND, Ore., April 5 /PRNewswire/ — The Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations (JCAHO) standards for 2007 have broadened the need for hospitals to use external peer review, according to Dr. Skip Freedman, Executive Medical Director at AllMed Healthcare Management, a national Independent Review Organization (IRO).

Peer review is an internal process by which hospitals assure that its doctors are competent and well trained enough to safely treat patients and provide the best quality of care. Hospitals turn to unbiased third parties like IROs to evaluate cases involving sentinel events and doctor errors; particularly when internal conflicts of interest preclude an objective evaluation by a hospital’s own peer review committee.

For 2007, the JCAHO defines two types of reviews aimed at assuring physician competence: “focused professional practice evaluation” (MS.4.30) and “ongoing professional practice evaluation” (MS.4.40). “Both standards broaden the idea of peer review to areas beyond the peer review committee and accordingly extend the use of external peer review too,” he said.

MS.4.30 covers credentialing, proctoring and provisional monitoring of doctors for whom a hospital lacks documented evidence of competence for performing a privilege. It also covers doctors asking to perform new procedures. MS.4.40 stresses continual hospital evaluation of a physician’s performance to identify any practice trends affecting patient safety or quality of care.

Freedman said that because of hospitals’ internal politics, aggressive economic goals, and the need to continually improve the quality of care and patient safety, they must increasingly turn to external peer review to provide the objective, evidence-based opinions they need to meet these areas of the JCAHO standards in a timely manner.

Under the new standards, hospitals must demonstrate they are making decisions about doctors that are based on objectivity and not personal bias or rivalries. The new standards demand “objective, evidence-based” evaluations that impartial third parties can provide, and hospitals of all sizes will need external help to assure compliance.

“Small and mid-sized hospitals conforming with these standards may need help conducting proctoring evaluations and ongoing reviews of doctors, because they’re often shorthanded in a particular medical specialty or their doctors have relationships outside the hospital that hinder objectivity,” he said. “Larger hospitals and hospital groups can also lack the right unbiased specialist peer for proctoring or reviews, or they may want an external review of a doctor’s performance data to discover any negative trend.”

“The good news about the new JCAHO standards affecting peer review is they emphasize processes that filter out substandard doctors by scrutinizing their work and insisting that doctors remain current on their skills in order to keep privileges. This will improve patient safety,” said Freedman. “As the standards are adopted, as an IRO, we’re hoping we will be reviewing fewer deficient physician judgments, because the standards strongly support ongoing training and upgrading of a doctor’s skills. Instead we expect to perform more corrective and educational peer reviews, rather than ones coming out of a peer review committee that lack objective validation.”

More information about external peer review services can be found on AllMed’s web site at http://www.allmedmd.com/.

AllMed Healthcare Management

CONTACT: Martin Middlewood, +1-360-882-1164, [email protected], forJoint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations

Web site: http://www.allmedmd.com/

The Dark Side of `Hooking Up’

Bill Clinton, it now appears, was ahead of his time.

His encounter with White House intern Monica Lewinsky would fit perfectly in today’s “hooking up” culture of commitment-free sexual contact that’s described in a provocative new book.

What is hooking up? Sometimes, it’s what Grandma called promiscuous sex. Sometimes it’s just making out. Sometimes it’s oral sex, which many young people don’t even think of as “having sex.”

Laura Sessions Stepp, a Washington Post reporter, studied hooking up and explains how it has changed boy-girl relationships in her book, “Unhooked: How Young Women Pursue Sex, Delay Love and Lose at Both” (Riverhead Books, $24.95).

Her research focused on young women. For an academic year she followed three groups of girls. One group was at Duke University in Durham and one was at George Washington University in Washington. She also followed three D.C.-area high school students. She interviewed dozens of other people, too, including young men and parents.

What she found was plenty of sex _ oral sex, no-strings-attached sex, friends-with-benefits sex _ and not much traditional boyfriend-girlfriend courtship.

WHY `HOOKING UP’ IS DIFFERENT

“Sex is just something you should experience, like drugs.” That’s how Carmela, 15, described her expectations. Sure, plenty of kids have always been sexually active. But today, hooking up isn’t perceived as negative, the way “sleeping around” used to be.

As Stepp said in an interview with the Casey Journalism Center on Children and Families, “It’s different from the `one night stand’ of the past; few young people actually grew up having sex that way. But today, hooking up is common.”

In part, that’s because the term isn’t precise. “Sometimes, in a conversation, you have to clarify,” Duke sophomore Sarah Howell, 19, of Charlotte said in an interview with the Charlotte Observer.

But its key characteristic is that it implies the absence of any relationship or commitment. “Hooking up’s defining characteristic,” Stepp writes, “is the ability to unhook from a partner at any time.”

This commitment-free attitude is attractive to many women. It gives them a sense of power over men, that they’re avoiding stereotypes of women as helpless victims.

As a high school sophomore tells Stepp: “Who says girls can’t play guys just like guys have always played girls?”

Stepp questions whether hooking up is as empowering as many believe. “Guys have no doubt that they’re the winners in the hookup culture,” she writes. ” `Because girls are more assertive, it’s easy for us to be a——s,’ a senior man at GW told me.”

One young woman at Duke whom Stepp followed prided herself on being sexually liberated. But, the girl eventually concluded, “There exists a very fine line between being sexually liberated and being sexually used.”

TOO BUSY FOR BOYFRIENDS

For many young women already under pressure to make good grades, play sports, build resumes and earn professional degrees, the idea of trying to find time for a boyfriend is too much. In a jammed schedule, getting to know someone takes time.

Hooking up is quick.

“At Duke people are so busy, hooking up is sort of a substitute,” Howell said. “People sometimes find it more convenient not to commit. A lot of times people will hook up regularly but people don’t want to expend the time to make it a relationship.”

“Convenience and time-efficiency is a really big thing.”

THE RISK OF DISEASE

Hooking up carries risks, Stepp writes, particularly sexually transmitted diseases and rape. Several women Stepp followed were being treated for sexually related infections. One contracted a dangerous strain of human papillomavirus, which can lead to cervical cancer.

While public attention has focused on declining teen pregnancy rates, the rate of STDs remains high _ higher in the U.S. than any other developed country. More young women than young men now contract STDs.

SEXUAL ASSAULT: `GRAY RAPE’

Some have coined a term for what can happen when hooking up becomes sexual assault: “gray rape.” Several of the women Stepp interviewed experienced date rape in circumstances they called “the gray area.” They had been drinking or were undressed with a man, and though the girl said “no,” he didn’t stop.

One Duke sophomore described an incident during the 2004-05 year, with a Duke athlete. She had one drink at a bar, and they went to her dorm room. She told him she didn’t want to have sex, but they began making out, taking off underwear. She told him again she didn’t want sex. He didn’t stop.

She didn’t report it, or even think of it as rape. Months later, after she told the story publicly (not using his name) at a rally against sexual assault, the man denied it was assault, saying she was drunk. Stepp points out that wouldn’t have excused assault.

A Justice Department study found one in five college women will be raped on campus, and 85 percent to 90 percent of the time, the victim knows the assailant.

Alcohol plays a big role, especially in “gray rape.” A Harvard study of campus rapes found three out of four women were too drunk to either give consent or resist. Some researchers say sexual assault is the biggest risk to young women while drinking.

Stepp also found that women who perceive that hooking up gives them power over men may be particularly reluctant to view themselves as victims of rape.

BYE-BYE, LOVE

Maybe the saddest part of the hook-up way of life is the loss of romance, Stepp found. The young women she followed typically ended up feeling dispirited, dissatisfied, even depressed. “I have not met one girl who if you press them … is happy about hooking up,” Stepp said in an interview with the Charlotte Observer. “I’ve heard too many sad stories.”

Stepp, who says she’s a feminist, is quick to say she doesn’t think male-female relationships should revert to the old, unequal days. She thinks women should pay attention to what makes them happy.

“I think there were some good things about the past,” she said. “Some of it was fun. There were games, sure. Maybe as I’ve gotten older I’ve come to appreciate the courtesies.”

Is hooking up truly as relationship-free as it’s depicted?

Georgia Ringle, Davidson College health educator, suspects that often “an attachment is found.” Some hook-up behavior she sees is what in another era would be called boyfriend-girlfriend behavior, though students are reluctant to use those terms.

One reason she’s skeptical that all the hooking up at Davidson is truly relationship-free: “We have this huge percentage of alumni marrying each other.”

___

WHAT, EXACTLY, IS `HOOKING UP’?

It can mean any physical contact from a kiss to intercourse. “Partners may know each other well, only slightly or not at all, even after they have hooked up regularly. … It is frequently unplanned, though it need not be. It can mean the start of something, the end of something or the whole something.”

_ From “Unhooked: How Young Women Pursue Sex, Delay Love and Lose at Both”

___

(c) 2007, The Charlotte Observer (Charlotte, N.C.).

Visit The Charlotte Observer on the World Wide Web at http://www.charlotte.com/

Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Information Services.

___

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Self-Promotion in Adlade Labille-Guiard’s 1785 Self-Portrait With Two Students

By Auricchio, Laura

When Adlade Labille-Guiard (1749-1803) submitted her monumental Self-Portrait with Two Students to the 1785 Salon exhibition sponsored by the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture, she presented herself to a large and diverse Parisian audience as a protean figure, appearing not only as an ambitious portraitist but also in the guise of a fashionable sitter (Fig. 1).1 Measuring more than six feet tall, the striking image depicts Labille-Guiard’s elaborately attired full-length figure seated in a carefully articulated interior with two younger women standing behind her. Clearly describing the space as the studio of a professional artist, a large canvas rests on an unadorned wooden easel and dominates the left side of the composition. A utilitarian paint box on the left and a chalk holder and dusty rag on the right further indicate the material labor of painting. Yet incongruous signs of opulence abound in features such as the velvet-upholstered taboret, in the current style Louis XVI, and, most dramatically, LabilleGuiard’s attire. Here, Labille-Guiard complicates her image as a hardworking artist by dressing as an elegant woman of means, whose revealing neckline, satin gown, and trimmings of feather and lace borrow directly from the latest fashion plates.

As we will see, this grandly multifaceted Self-Portrait necessitated considerable invention. Responding, in part, to the dearth of precedents for female self-portraiture in the history of French painting, Labille-Guiard drew on an uncommonly wide range of sources and genres in an effort to picture herself to best advantage.2 Thus, even as it echoes old master traditions, the Self- Portrait taints these conventions with tinges of alluring sexuality and brash commerce. Moreover, its strategically enticing composition evokes the effect of a luxury boutique, as it calls out for both the admiration of spectators and the financial support of a paying clientele.

More specifically, the Self-Portrait played an important role in Labille-Guiard’s lifelong attempt to make the most of her fraught position as a professional woman artist. In the 1780s, an extraordinary number of women were establishing reputations among the most accomplished, and most talkedabout, contributors to Parisian art exhibitions, especially in the realm of portraiture. However, the increasing significance of public notice in advancing artists’ careers placed these women in a particularly delicate position: on the one hand, an aspiring portraitist had to catch the attention of critics and audiences in order to attract potential sitters, but, on the other hand, reigning standards of bourgeois virtue prohibited women from soliciting such interest. With the Self- Portrait, Labille-Guiard opted not to avoid but rather to highlight the contradictions that riddled both her ambitions and her reception. In so doing, she capitalized on the era’s celebration of calculated transgression and ultimately won the approbation of Salon- goers, critics, and clients alike.

Although the painting is now widely reproduced, having recently been featured on book covers and included in surveys of women artists as well as standard art history textbooks, its complex portrayal of Labille-Guiard and her students has only begun to be addressed.3 Indeed, despite her many notable contributions to the art and politics of the ancien rgime and the French Revolution, Labille-Guiard has received remarkably little scholarly attention.4 While several authors have contributed to the literature by situating Labille-Guiard in the context of other women artists, examining the gendered rhetoric of her critical reception or individual paintings, none has focused primarily on the Self- Portrait:5

My study of this work builds on the resurgent interest in women as artists and patrons in eighteenth-century France and also suggests new directions for research in the field.6 Notably, institutions and influences that are often overlooked in histories of eighteenth-century French art emerge as central to the careers of women artists. These include the commercial world of shops and fashion and the alternative exhibition spaces that welcomed female artists at a time when the academy limited women’s membership. Just such a synthetic approach may allow us to recover the lost stories of women artists while also mapping some of the competing social and aesthetic interests that shaped the cultural geography of eighteenth- century Paris.7 In fact, the peculiar situation of women artists sometimes engendered unexpected alliances among the artists, critics, and government administrators who vied for power in the turbulent final decades of the ancien rgime. Caught up in the open contests, hidden intrigues, and subversive maneuvers that roiled the art institutions of the 1770s and 1780s, but backed by little institutional support, women artists seem to have relied particularly heavily on ad hoc affiliations with various warring factions to protect and advance their careers.” Labille-Guiard, for one, became an expert on such unconventional tactics.

1783: The Self-Portrait as Drame Bourgeois

In the summer of 1783, Labille-Guiard stood on the brink of professional triumph thanks, in part, to her ability to make the most of limited opportunities.9 Though she had been barred from the rigorous education offered by the Royal Academy (which admitted female members but excluded women from studying or teaching in its schools), she had climbed the ranks of the Parisian art world by training with private masters and exhibiting at the less prestigious venues that lay beyond the academy’s dominion. Her debut had come nearly ten years earlier when in 1774 she sent a miniature, Self- Portrait, and a pastel, Portrait of a Magistrate, to the final exhibition sponsored by the Academy of Saint Luke.10 In 1782 and early 1783 she had displayed thirteen pastel portraits at the weekly gathering known as the Salon de la Correspondance, a commercial exhibition hosted by the controversial entrepreneur Mamms Claude- Catherine Pahin de Champlain la Blancherie.11 Most notably, Labille- Guiard had exhibited six portraits of current academicians in Pahin’s suite of rented rooms; her familiarity with these and other prominent artists could only have helped her bid for academic status, which succeeded on May 31, 1783.

Labille-Guiard’s choices for her inaugural academy exhibition two months later suggest that she hoped to call attention to her accomplished technique and her discerning, not to mention powerful, clientele. Of the twelve identified pastels and “several portraits under the same number” that she sent to the Louvre’s Salon Carr in August 1783, at least seven were bust-length portraits of male academy members, and an eighth was commissioned by the comtesse d’Angiviller, whose husband, the comte d’Angiviller, effectively governed the academy in his capacity as directeur-gnral des btiments du roi.12 The largest of the identified portraits was the comtesse’s Portrait of M. Brizard in the Role of King Lear, which depicts a pivotal moment in a recent Versailles production of JeanFranois Ducis’s Le Roi Lear.13 Portraying one of the year’s theatrical triumphs, Brizard in the Role of Lear offered a powerful rendering of the dispossessed Lear awakening to the tragedy of his plight, announcing Labille-Guiard’s ability to evoke expression and to convey narrative action. As it circulated in an engraving byjeanjacques Avril, and later prints by others, Brizard in the Role of Lear carried Labille-Guiard’s name, significantly linked to that of her influential patron, well beyond the walls of the Louvre (Fig. 2).

If Labille-Guiard had hoped that public opinion would celebrate the merits of her work, she must have been disappointed by its critical reception. While some reviewers praised Brizard in the Role of Lear and others commended the portraits of academicians, lively discussions of the Salon’s newly prominent female artists generally overshadowed more dispassionate analyses of their skills. Contemporary reviews, which abound with quips about the trio of women artists with works on view (Labille-Guiard, Anne Vallayer- Coster, who had joined the academy in 1770, and Elisabeth Vige- Lebrun, who, like Labille-Guiard, made her Salon debut in 1783) also issue varied assessments of their personal charms.14 For instance, one typically jocular commentary refers to the mythological beauty pageant said to have precipitated the Trojan War: “Mesdames Vallayer and Guiard also display their graces at the Salon; but Paris awards the apple to Madame LeBrun.”15

Breaking with this trend, one author crossed the line between banter and libel. The Salon’s women artists, LabilleGuiard in particular, were the primary targets of a virulent tract that named the late Duke of Marlborough as the source of lewd gossip about their sexual and professional ethics.16 The anonymous Suite de Malborough au Salon 7753 alluded crassly to a rumor that Labille- Guiard was having an affair with the history painter Franois-Andr Vincent (who became her second husband in 1799) and implied that Vincent was “touching up” both Labille-Guiard and her paintings. The rumor itself was not new, for as early as 1776 Abbe’ Lebrun had referred offhandedly to th\e allegation in his Almanack historique et raisonn des architectes, peintres, sculpteurs, graveurs et ciseleurs.17 Yet Labille-Guiard’s morals had never been so thoroughly denigrated. Asserting, “His love makes your talent, Love dies and the talent falls,” the pamphlet further punned on Vincent’s name to jest that Labille-Guiard had two thousand lovers, since “vingt cents, ou 2000, c’est la mme chose.”18

This taunting wordplay exemplifies the coarse humor that peppers many of the independent, and often politically charged, texts that purported to review the Salons of the 1780s.19 Unlike traditional criticism published in periodicals, which claimed to supply subscribers with unbiased assessments of Salon exhibitions and were subject to government oversight, independent pamphlets were onetime purchases that competed to entertain less sophisticated readers. Generally produced quickly and cheaply in small print runs, pamphlets could capitalize on topical events and promulgate short- lived rumors. And, since they required no ongoing relations among readers, writers, and publishers, they frequently eluded censors by claiming anonymous or fictional authors and foreign sites of production. Likening these pamphlets to the boulevard theaters that appropriated high culture in the name of parody, Bernadette Fort, in a well-known essay, has described as “carnivalesque” their inversions and hence “attack [s] on the hegemony of the old French school and the establishment that sustained it.”20 As Fort demonstrates, scores of bawdy Salon reviews enlisted historical and fictional characters ranging from Marlborough to Figaro as spokesmen for a host of political and cultural agendas.21

The Malborough pamphlet, however, did not challenge the authority of the Royal Academy or the state, but rather lambasted female academicians, whose increasing numbers had recently vexed the arts administration. With its induction of Labille-Guiard and Vige- Lebrun on May 31, the academy had reached its official limit of four female members, rekindling an internal debate about the pitfalls of encouraging women to pursue careers in the fine arts.22 Indeed, the vulgar pamphleteer and the academy’s distinguished representatives agreed on this one matter-that female academicians raised the specter of impropriety. D’Angiviller had made this point two weeks before the women’s admission, when he requested a royal decree formalizing the institution’s traditional cap on women members.23 Tellingly, his memo of May 14 emphasized the importance of decorum, citing women’s inability “to be useful to the progress of the Arts, the propriety [dcence] of their sex preventing them from being able to study from life and in the public School established and authorized by Your Majesty.”24

Despite d’Angiviller’s misgivings about female academicians, Labille-Guiard sought his help in suppressing the sale of Suite de Malborough au Salon 1783. On September 19, she penned a savvy letter to the comtesse d’Angiviller, asking her to intercede with her influential husband.25 Leaving nothing to chance, Labille-Guiard enumerated in the opening paragraph precisely what she hoped to accomplish; she simply asked the comtesse to “please use your credit and the authority of Monsieur the comte to stop a horrible libel. . . .”26 Demonstrating a sound understanding of the relevant bureaucracy, she went on to identify two officials who could preside over the matter and to spell out the charges on which they could prosecute the offending vendors: the pamphlet, she asserted, was “engraved and could not have been approved by any censor, which renders the sellers quite guilty.”

It is significant that Labille-Guiard chose to write to the comtesse, with whom she had already established a professional relationship, instead of to the comte, who did not share his wife’s sympathy for female artists. Besides, selecting the comtesse as her interlocutor enabled Labille-Guiard to appeal to the empathy of another woman, as she did in her opening lines by calling on the comtesse to act on behalf of “the interest that you take in Mme Coster and in your sex in general.” Continuing, Labille-Guiard underscored the differences that distinguish criticism leveled at an artist’s work from aspersions cast on a woman’s honor: “One must expect to have one’s talent ripped apart . . . it’s the fate of all who expose themselves to public judgment, but their works, their paintings are there to defend them, if they are good they plead their cause. Who can plead on behalf of women’s morals?”

Embellishing the facts of Labille-Guiard’s life, the letter transforms the libel into a moving third-person narrative. It tells the touching tale of a country priest visiting Paris who hoped to do a good turn for an elderly parishioner. Knowing that the old man’s daughter was a member of the Royal Academy, the well-intentioned cleric had acquired every review of the current Salon in order to apprise the octogenarian of his daughter’s achievements. Labille- Guiard indulged in a bit of sentimental ekphrasis when she asked her reader to picture the pamphlet’s heart-wrenching effect on the venerable widower:

Consider, Madame, the sorrow of an eighty-year-old man, who has only one daughter remaining of his eight children, and who consoles himself for all his losses with the bit of reputation that she has and, therefore, with the esteem that she enjoys. Picture him reading avidly, waiting to see her works criticized or praised, and seeing a horrible libel. Great people expect this, but for an ordinary individual to see that his daughter, in seeking a bit of glory, has lost her reputation, that she is insulted, how cruel that is!

This scene, replete with sensibilit, could have appeared on the canvas of Jean-Baptiste Greuze or the stage of Denis Diderot.” Observing the classical law of unities, LabilleGuiard conjured a single, pregnant moment in a true-to-life tableau, of the sort that Diderot had lauded in his writings on theater as “an arrangement of characters . . . so natural and so true that, faithfully rendered by a painter, it would please me on canvas.”28 Each player has been typecast. Her father, Claude-Edm Labille, appears as a pre de famille, the troubled patriarch of Diderot’s eponymous 1758 drame bourgeois (a type of domestic morality play) and focus of so many of Greuze’s paintings.29 In fact, Diderot had famously praised Greuze’s depiction of fatherhood-a “beautiful subject” that represents “the general vocation of all men. . . .” and demonstrates that “our children are the source of our greatest pleasures and our greatest pains.”’30 Labille-Guiard herself plays just such a complicated, Greuzian daughter, who hopes to spare her father the pain of her sullied reputation. Ultimately, her filial piety elicits our compassion, as she insisted, “I am desperate when I think of my father, at the effect that this will have on him.”31

The letter apparently succeeded in prompting official action. Although we have no direct proof that the comtesse intervened, we know that legal proceedings commenced immediately.32 At eight o’clock in the evening on September 20, the bookseller Pierre Cousin was placed under arrest and brought before the magistrate Pierre Chnon for interrogation. After thirty-nine copies of the defamatory pamphlet were seized from Cousin’s boutique in the Louvre’s Cour du Jardin de l’Infante, just downstairs from the Salon exhibition, the merchant was released. He had cooperated with investigators, supplying them with leads, but ultimately neither author nor publisher was identified.

This was the first of several instances in which LabilleGuiard calibrated her self-presentation to maximum effect. In her handling of this episode, she turned a libel to her advantage, using it to strengthen ties with an influential patron and to win the support of a powerful administrator who seemed an unlikely ally. The social position of a professional woman artist was surely a delicate one, but LabilleGuiard was able to convert base notoriety into a more welcome variety of notice.

1785: The Self-Portrait as Self-Promotion

Given Labille-Guiard’s efforts to defend her honor in 1783, the extent to which she courted attention-an unseemly desire for a virtuous woman-in 1785 may seem surprising. The monumental Self- Portrait that Labille-Guiard exhibited at the Salon that year foregrounds desirable physical features and bold professional ambitions. It mixes attributes of feminine virtue with hints of sexual possibility, at the same time that it contaminates high art traditions with blatantly commercial imagery. In a skillful balance, the resulting image, rife with playful impropriety, does not yield a carnivalesque critique. Rather, it draws attention by toying with the boundaries of acceptability. To borrow Jeremy Popkin’s assessment of the contemporaneous Mmoires secrets, an underground publication that disseminated news and opinions of the Parisian republic of letters among Europe’s political and cultural elite, the Salon pamphleteers of the 1780s “often reserved [their] most prominent pages for individuals who in one way or another had transgressed the rules of their milieu.”33

In courting mild controversy at the 1785 Salon, LabilleGuiard was taking advantage of a rare opportunity to generate publicity and, hence, commissions. Even as market forces were coming to dominate the art world in the late eighteenth century, exhibiting venues were dwindling, leaving the Royal Academy’s biennial exhibitions among the few sanctioned forums where academicians could attract customers.34 Ironically, the academy had historically sought to distance itself from commerce by adopting regulations that barred members from putting works on view in their studio windows and from dealing in art.35 But in the 1770s and 1780s, as the royal arts administration moved to close down alternative exhibitions like those sponsor\ed by the trade-oriented Academy of Saint Luke or by profit-seeking entrepreneurs, its own Salons became increasingly transformed into sites of commercial competition.36 In the venerable halls of the Palais du Louvre, academicians had little choice but to vie for the incomeproducing commissions they needed in order to subsist.

Labille-Guiard may have been in particular need of calculated publicity in 1785, when her career evidently stagnated. Although her 1785 Salon portraits reveal heightened am bidons, featuring more intricate compositions, more fully articulated details, and more lifelike figures than she had exhibited to date, most were fairly small-three-quarter or bustlength-portraits of artists and well- born women who traveled in the circles of her previous patrons.37 Moreover, a memo written by the arts ministry in the same year underscores her need for income and describes Labille-Guiard as “very little occupied.”38

How could she win more rewarding commissions without destroying her barely salvaged reputation? Labille-Guiard responded to this predicament by forging a new and original mode of self- representation that could engender discussion while also appealing to prospective patrons. To attract the highest ranks of society, she might have wanted to announce that she was capable of producing a full-length portrait.39 If it were also a group portrait, and if it related a moral or historical narrative, then it would be still more desirable. In the minds of many critics, such a “historiated portrait” would rank between portraiture and history painting, near the top of the hierarchy of genres, as it was understood to require skills associated with both types of painting.40 Like a portrait, it should not only capture likeness but also express the salient traits of its sitters’ characters. And like a history painting, it should tell a story through a complex composition depicting a single moment. A historiated group portrait also promised significant financial rewards, for it could be more lucrative than either a history painting or a portrait of an individual.41 This plan, though, rests on a paradox: Labille-Guiard sought to present herself as a painter of grand portraits before she had received a commission for such a work. She resolved this dilemma by turning to her studio and her mirror as sources for the 1785 Self-Portrait, which one critic termed a “portrait, composed like a history painting.'”42

The iconographic complexity of the resulting Self-Portrait could well have appealed to a wide range of potential sitters. One viewer might see it as a suitable template for a domestic family portrait centered on the elegant lady of the house, whose daughters bear witness to her maternal virtue. Another might read the two hovering women as allegorical figures who bespeak erudition by representing the Muses or branches of the arts. The roll of parchment that rests on the taboret furthers the painting’s appeal to a patron of either sex, for a partially revealed document that tells of the sitter’s achievements was a common trope in eighteenth-century portraiture.113 By revealing nothing of its contents, LabilleGuiard’s document allows all viewers to imagine it as a record of their own proudest moments.

The conspicuously placed, but resolutely hidden, work in progress exemplifies the narrative ambiguity that renders the Self-Portrait so compellingly versatile.44 The back of a very large canvas resting on an easel dominates the left side of the composition, presenting a tremendous amount of information concerning its materials and structure; stretchers, tacks, and the curling edges of canvas are all carefully rendered. While these details whet our appetite for knowledge about the painting on the other side, Labille-Guiard gives no indication of the subject or appearance of the unseen work. Instead, she piques our interest through the combined expressions of the two attendants, Marie-Marguerite Carreaux de Rosemond and Marie- Gabrielle Capet.45 With her gaze focused and her lips parted, Capet, on the right, appears engrossed in the emerging painting. Rosemond, on the left, peers out of the picture plane at the object whose image is being captured. Together, the students compare original to painted copy-an experience we cannot share unless we heed the Self- Portrait’s call to enter Labille-Guiard’s studio.

Until then, we can only speculate about what the work in progress might portray. One possibility is that the hidden painting is the Self-Portrait itself, and that Labille-Guiard and Rosemond are gazing in a mirror. Certainly, the large size of the pictured canvas would suit a group portrait of this scale. Alternatively, Labille- Guiard may be painting one or both of the students who stand behind her. The Self-Portrait that Jean-Laurent Mosnier exhibited at the Royal Academy’s 1787 Salon develops this reading (Fig. 3).46 This painting, which contemporaries interpreted as Mosnier’s attempt to capitalize on Labille-Guiard’s success, is closely modeled after the 1785 work. Like Labille-Guiard, Mosnier depicted himself in elegant attire, seated before a large easel and in front of an open paint box. Holding a palette and brushes, he faces the viewer, as two women stand behind his chair with their heads bent toward each other. Here, though, the work in progress faces the picture plane to reveal the image of one of the standing women. A third, and more provocative, interpretation would suggest that we are watching Labille-Guiard as she paints an unseen person or group in front of her.47 Whether at the 1785 Salon in Paris or at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, we, the assembled viewers, are always among those invisible sitters. We were not the artist’s original models, but we take up their positions when we approach the painting. With this move, the Self-Portrait accomplishes its goal of generating clients: merely viewing the painting transforms us into Labille-Guiard’s patrons.

Fashioning Artifice

Bidding for commissions in a forum whose structure reproduces the persuasive display of a shopwindow, Labille-Guiard was perhaps following in the footsteps of her haberdasher father, whose fashionable women’s clothing store was marked by the sign ” la Toilette” and had, in the early 1760s, employed the future Madame du Barry.48 In the Self-Portrait, an appealing central figure is physically elevated above the viewer and surrounded by a plethora of carefully arranged props in a space that delimits a complete world unto itself. Peering through our window on that world, we might covet the enticing goods spread out before us.49 An abundance of artistic skills encourages us to admire the artist’s many abilities. We see that Labille-Guiard can imitate a dizzying array of materials and compile a veritable catalog of stuffs. Her painting replicates the shine of satin, the intricacy of lace, the delicacy of feathers, the rough grain of wood, the deep shadows of plush velvet, the glint of metal, the dull sheen of chalk, the porcelain texture of flawless skin, the worn folds of parchment, and the smooth surface of sculpted marble. As our gaze moves from these luxurious details to the work as a whole, we observe that the artist is equally skilled at creating illusions of depth, grouping multiple figures, painting portraits in varied lengths and poses, composing still lifes, and ennobling portraiture with classical allusions.50 All in all, the painting conjures a cornucopia of visual treats whose overabundance calls attention to the very notion of display.

In fact, Louis-Sebastien Mercier describes a scene quite like this one in his 1783 Tableau de Paris, which reports that many proprietors used their windows not only to promote their wares but also to put their shopgirls on view.51 Mercier writes that in the windows of boutiques throughout Paris, one could find saleswomen dressed in the fashions being marketed that season. Seated in rows, with the prettiest closest to the glass, they simultaneously embellished and advertised the goods for sale: “You see them through the windows. . . . You look at them freely, and they look at you in the same way . . . needle in hand, constantly casting their eyes on the street. No passerby escapes them.”52 To the men lured into boutiques by such appealing visions, “Shopping is only a pretext; they look at the salesgirls and not the merchandise.”53

In the Self-Portrait, the elaborately clothed but voluptuously revealed body of Labille-Guiard engages in a similar kind of flirtatiously engaging display. The sweep of her luxurious silk dress catches the eye, and her prominently displayed breasts dominate the center of the composition, presenting themselves for visual delectation. Her ample dcolletage does not simply contribute to the surfeit of objects on view but stands out from it, framed in creamy lace and bathed in soft light. The judicious use of shadow between her torso and left arm creates the illusion of a dramatic hourglass figure, as her generous bosom seems to tower over a remarkably narrow waist. This self-conscious exhibition of Labille- Guiard’s physical attractions appears all the more striking when seen against the more demurely rendered figures of the two students. For, while Capet wears a fashionable robe l’anglaise, and Rosemond the chemise that had recently become popular for day wear, neither dress features the shimmering satin finish or the low-cut neckline that makes Labille-Guiard so visually enticing.

In fact, her appearance allies Labille-Guiard even more directly with another form of commercial imagery associated with women-the fashion plate.54 Two specific inspirations for her pose and costume, which have not been previously identified, are to be found among the hand-colored engravings published in Galerie des Modes et des Costumes in 1784, one year before the Self-Portrait was first exhibited (Figs. 4, 5). Although such a mercant\ile source may seem to be at odds with the elevated aspirations of a historiated portrait, LabilleGuiard might have been shrewd to reference Galeries des Modes in her Self-Portrait. This periodical, which was published regularly from 1778 to 1787 and ultimately included more than four hundred prints, reached an elite audience of fashionable women who were also desirable patrons.55 Moreover, by evoking such images, Labille-Guiard was able to couch her indecorous self-display in the justifying motivation of a preexisting template.

Like the models depicted in these two plates, LabilleGuiard is pictured going about her daily life wearing a wide, half-balloon hat, decorated with plumes and ribbons, and a robe l’anglaise-the dress of choice for noble women and haute bourgeoises alike from the late 1770s into the 1780s.56 The style featured a form-fitting bodice and eschewed the wide side hoops, or panniers, of the more formal robe la franaise. Labille-Guiard sports a bosom-baring neckline similar to that of the model playing with a dog (Fig. 5); named for the mistress of Henri IV, this neck Gabrielle d’Estres had been brought back into fashion by Marie-Antoinette in 1782.57 Although its sensual potential seems self-evident, the innuendo- laden vernacular of the day nonetheless underscored its teasing allure by terming the bow on the bottom ruffle a “love knot” and referring to its placement at the center of the bosom as “perfect contentment.”58

But Labille-Guiard shares more than just the latest styles with these fashion plates; the arrangement of her body also echoes their modified contrapposto poses, which present several views of each figure to disclose as much information as possible about the depicted attire. All three sit with their lower bodies facing left and their heads and torsos rotating toward the picture plane. However, Labille-Guiard has selected the most revealing features from each source. Seemingly modeled after the more exposed bosom of the woman with the dog, Labille-Guiard’s chest faces the viewer almost directly. The positions of her left arm and leg, though, echo those of the musician: the arm rests lightly on the lap; the hand loosely holds an item between thumb and exaggerated forefinger; and the slipper peeks out from beneath the dress to perch on the bottom of a large prop. Each of these small gestures increases the visual information given about the dress and the body. For instance, the arrangement of the arm parallel to the picture plane displays the sleeve quite clearly, while the pressure of its weight on the lap delineates the thigh. Similarly, the raised foot draws the skirt more tautly against the leg, illustrating the side placement of the seam coursing from waist to hem. In fact, Labille-Guiard provides still more detail than the fashion plates by flipping the edge of her powder blue overskirt to showcase a white lining within.

By referencing such recognizable, recently published fashion plates in her Self-Portrait, Labille-Guiard simultaneously demonstrated that she possessed the skills required of a portraitist and distanced herself from the academic norm. Certainly, a Parisian society portraitist had to be familiar with the latest styles. Yet by adopting the visual language of commercial display so directly, Labille-Guiard declared an affinity with the world of trade that was forbidden to academicians and to well-bred women alike. Although Galerie des Modes catered to the highest echelons of consumers, its images were essentially advertisements. In addition, Labille-Guiard was evidently willing to associate her Self-Portrait with the coy texts that originally accompanied the printed images:59 the description of a “Lady in the role of sincere and faithful friend” (Fig. 5) explained that she is “playing with her dog while waiting for something better,”60 while the “sensitive virtuoso” (Fig. 4) was said to be “entertaining herself with a solo only while waiting for a charming duet.”61

In affiliating her self-presentation with such immodest pictures and flirtatious texts, Labille-Guiard perhaps distinguished between allure, which she invited, and scandal, which she had sought to suppress in 1783. In the late eighteenth century, fashion was increasingly understood to be an acceptable arena for female display, intimately linked to women’s desire to appeal to men.62 Contemporary reviewers of Labille-Guiard’s Self-Portrait responded in kind, invoking playful verses rather than denigrating libels. One of the more poetic critics rhapsodized:

I have blown kisses to the two mischievous little faces on

Which the eye deliciously rests, and to the mouth

From which one could have such pleasure in hearing spoken the pretty

Word that you breathe, and that you have spoken

Sometimes with emotion, isn’t it true, beautiful

Guyard? . . . But . . . I feel myself moved, ah Guyard!

Guyard! I must flee your eyes, I must. . . .63

More broadly, her embrace of fashion placed Labille-Guiard on the side of artifice in the heated discourse on clothing and appearance that flourished, along with the French fashion industry, in the second half of the eighteenth century.64 In fact, the illustrated fashion periodical, as distinct from assembled collections of captioned plates, was born with Le Cabinet des Modes in 1785, the year Labille-Guiard exhibited her Self-Portrait.65 While images of the latest styles proliferated in Paris and throughout the provinces, intellectuals and writers ranging from the Encyclopedists to moralists addressed the matter with increasing urgency. Daniel Roche has neatly summarized the high stakes of the fashion debate: “Here, individuals could play on appearance and reality, while society pondered the dilemma of truth and disguise.”66 Perhaps the protean Self-Portrait could be said to embody such an impishly playful spirit of fashion.

Artistic Ambition and Feminine Virtue

Just as the Self-Portrait’s affiliation with commerce and fashion engages with contentious debates of the day, so does its portrayal of ambitious female artists touch on current arguments regarding gendered virtue. Although prevailing codes of conduct admitted certain types of art making as beneficial for well-bred girls and women, deriving publicity from painting violated rules of propriety. Pierre-Joseph Boudier de Villemert’s conduct book Le nouvel ami des femmes, designed for “all young Ladies who wish to please with sound qualities,” spells out some of the issues at stake when a woman advertises her artistic skills as Labille-Guiard does here.67 Summarizing ideal bourgeois mores, Villemert recommends that young women possess some knowledge of painting, music, and poetry; in his vision of domestic bliss, painting could be a valuable female hobby, “a resource against boredom.”68 However, he also issues a stern warning against women’s misuse of the fine arts, noting that as silence and modesty rank among the greatest feminine virtues, women who seek publicity for their art court dishonor for themselves. In Villemert’s words, “The glory of women is to be little talked about; quite different from men who play, unmasked, all the roles that the passions assign them on the great theater of the world, women must only play . . . behind the scenes. .. . .”69

Continuing the ambivalence that permeates the Self-Portrait, Labille-Guiard acknowledges this ideal even as she flouts it, as she balances bold professional claims, deemed masculine at the time, against signs of virtuous femininity.70 Consider, for example, the two painted sculptures in the background shadows at the left. On the one hand, their evocations of antiquity combine with the painting’s clear and crisp lines to identify Labille-Guiard as a Neoclassical painter embracing a style increasingly associated not only with seriousness of purpose and strength of character but also with masculinity.71 The renderings of the sculptures further participate in the age-old paragone by presenting Labille-Guiard as a painter whose oils rival sculpture.72 Asserting that her painting can replicate stone, the artist argues for the superiority of her medium, demonstrates mastery of her skills, and, perhaps most important, places herself in a lineage of renowned painters who have sought to prove their worth by engaging in this type of rivalry. On the other hand, the sculptures’ iconography mitigates this immodesty by invoking signs of filial piety and feminine chastity. The bust that peers out from a perch above the open box is Augustin Pajou’s portrait of Claude-Edm Labille, Labille-Guiard’s father (Fig. 6). We can be certain that 1785 Salon-goers would not have mistaken the work for the Roman portrait type it evokes because Pajou’s bust of Labille was on view in the same exhibition. Surely this severe paternal visage would quash any amorous desires inspired by Labille- Guiard’s enticing body. In addition, the taller sculpture is recognizable as one of Jean-Antoine Houdon’s Vestal Virgins, which may underscore the theme of sexual purity, since Rome’s vestal virgins committed themselves to decades of virginity (Fig. 7).7:1

Of course, in this age of double entendres, contemporary viewers might have perceived both virtue and vice even in the seemingly clear iconography of the vestal. Commonly employed as a sign of chastity in eighteenth-century female portraiture, vestal imagery, referring as it does to women sharing living quarters after swearing off relations with men, conveyed a more salacious layer of meanings in the underground literature of the day.74 For instance, Mathieu Franois Pidansat de Mairobert’s The English Spy, or Secret Correspondence between Milord All’Eye and Milord All’Ear (1778) imagines contemporary women engaging in same-sex orgies inspired by the Roman vestals. Pidansat de Mairobert describes passionate scenes of lesbian lovemaking in a modernday “temple to Vesta, considered the foundress of the anandrine sect or tr\ibades. . . .”75 His tribades lament that their troupe is “Nothing so fine, nothing so great as the establishment of the vestal virgins in Rome.”76 For readers unfamiliar with the term, the pornographer furnishes several definitions of “tribade,” including “a young virgin who, not having had any relations with men and convinced of the excellence of her sex, finds in it true pleasure. . . .” or a woman who “devotes herself to training pupils for the goddess.”77

Even without such sexual connotations, though, LabilleGuiard’s rendering of her pupils might have raised other questions about the propriety of the pictured women. Pointing toward feminine virtue, the Self-Portrait references the contemporary popularity of maternity as a subject of French paintings, as the images of Capet and Rosemond endow the childless Labille-Guiard with the equivalent of daughters.78 Salon-goers recognized the women (although the work was displayed with the generic title Portrait of a Lady with Two Students) and many knew that Labille-Guiard’s relationship with her students verged on the familial; Capet was a member of Labille- Guiard’s household at the time the work was exhibited and continued to live with her teacher until LabilleGuiard’s death.79 But the images of Capet and Rosemond reminded at least one viewer of a more sordid situation. As the reviewer for Mmoires secrets noted in his discussion of the Self-Portrait, a “heated debate” had raged that summer concerning these very students, who had elicited professional approbation and moral condemnation by exhibiting portraits at the Place Dauphine in June.80

That an exhibition at the Place Dauphine would merit such notice points to a renewed interest in this annual event, which had declined significantly in the middle of the eighteenth century.81 The Place Dauphine, a triangular court near the Pont-Neuf on the le de la Cit, had for decades hosted an annual exhibition as part of the celebrations for the feast of Corpus Christi. Each year, an elaborate procession would accompany the consecrated Host through the streets of Paris. Festive decorations created a grand spectacle, with rugs and tapestries hung from high windows and temporary altars set up along the route. At the Place Dauphine, artists and collectors adorned decorative hangings with paintings to be viewed, discussed, and sold. In the early part of the eighteenth century, when exhibiting opportunities were limited, works by academicians regularly appeared alongside paintings by aspiring artists. After the Royal Academy began sponsoring biennial Salons in 1747, though, few of its members chose to participate in a display often referred to as the “Exposition de la Jeunesse” (Exhibition of Youth). In fact, academicians hoping to define themselves as virtuous liberal artists may have had good reason to shun a site associated with low forms of popular culture. They may have had little to gain and much to lose by mingling with the carnival performers, vendors of scandalous songs, and tradesmen of questionable integrity who made the nearby Pont-Neuf their place of business.

The exhibition’s midcentury loss of interest and attendance has been well documented, yet its continued significance for female artists and its resurgence in the 1780s remain little known. A review of the 1761 exhibition acknowledged its particular role in advancing women’s careers, noting that “feminine talents are almost never admitted” at the Royal Academy, with the result that “women artists look elsewhere to enjoy the acclaim of which they strive to render themselves worthy.”82 The numbers of artists and viewers at the Place Dauphine increased in the 1780s, thanks in part to the efforts of Labille-Guiard’s students. In 1783, the Journal de Paris reported that more works were shown than in recent years.83 By 1784, the turnaround was complete, for a critic complained about excessive crowds blocking his view.84 The same author singled out three of Labille-Guiard’s students as the best portraitists on view, writing, “In this genre, the Dlles Capet, Alexandre, Rosemond . . . are the most distinguished artists. . . . all of these Demoiselles deserve to be encouraged by just praise.”85 Indeed, the women who studied with LabilleGuiard were often named the most accomplished painters at the Place Dauphine exhibitions in this period.86

The exhibition’s resurgence did not diminish the site’s questionable character, which permeates a 1784 watercolor entitled Exposition de tableaux sur la Place Dauphine (Fig. 8) .87 Here, a woman at the far left lifts a piece of protective cloth to reveal an easel painting hidden beneath it. At the same time, her male companion displays a visually enticing object, as he pulls at the woman’s bodice to sneak a peek at her exposed left breast. In another act of open voyeurism, a bewigged man at the right ogles two women through the magnifying lens of a lorgnette. Although we can just discern rows of barely visible paintings lining the facades in the background, the atmosphere seems closer to low fairground conviviality than to high art appreciation.

That young female artists contributed to such a vulgar scene irked at least one cultural critic. In the Journal General de France of June 14, 1785, an anonymous writer set off a lengthy debate when he objected to participation of young women in this unseemly public square.88 Although acknowledging that the best works at the Place Dauphine were by women artists, he castigated parents who “cruelly” encouraged their daughters to become professional artists. Women artists, he argued, would lack adequate time to care for their husbands, children, and households while “the attention of connoisseurs, that is to say, flatterers,” would jeopardize the “taste for simplicity and retreat” that befits a mother and encourages conjugal fidelity. More specifically, he took pains to distinguish the class-specific concerns of bourgeois girls. Citing one danger, he warned that a daughter equipped with commercial skills might conjure the specter of lower-status women who exhibit themselves in the public marketplace. Noting a different error, he chastised parents who equipped their bourgeois daughters with skills proper to elite hobbyists. A wife in the middle classes needs an eye to economy, he opined, not lofty airs.

Defenders of the disparaged young women advanced their position in letters to the editor published in the following weeks.81′ One of the most striking opinions was issued by Antoine Renou, secrtaire adjoint of the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture, who proposed that a woman’s artistic skills could actually be a boon to conjugal happiness.90 According to Renou, a wife’s painting abilities might flatter her husband’s vanity and thereby serve as “a vehicle for Amor who sometimes sleeps in the arms of Hymen.” Moreover, he played fast and loose with the customs of the day, which barred women from studying the male nude in the academy’s life-drawing classes, when he asserted that a woman who had studied male anatomy would be less likely to stray because such familiarity would remove all mystery and “extinguish the flame of great passions.” The final letter on the subject was published just a few weeks before the Self-Portrait appeared in the Salon, providing the immediate context for its reception. While Labille-Guiard could not have foreseen this particular debate when she conceived the Self-Portrait, her painting clearly engages with its central dispute concerning the propriety of ambitious female artists.

The boldness of Labille-Guiard’s self-presentation must have appeared all the more striking at the 1785 Salon, where viewers could compare the Self-Portrait with Antoine Vestier’s Portrait of Marie-Nicole Vestier, whose iconography portrays the artist’s daughter as a well-bred hobbyist who has developed impressive skills but employs them in a virtuous manner (Fig. 9).91 Each painting depicts a fulllength image of a female artist seated at an easel in the center of a composition accompanied by an effigy of a family member. Just as Pajou’s sculpture of Monsieur Labille watches over Labille-Guiard’s studio, a portrait bust of Madame Vestier stands behind Marie-Nicole. Like LabilleGuiard, Vestier seems to have been inspired by contemporary fashion plates, as he likewise depicts his subject in a silk robe l’anglaise and a half-balloon hat decorated with ribbons and feathers. However, he has taken pains to rein in untoward implications. Marie-Nicole appears decidedly more demure than Labille-Guiard, her breast covered with a fichu and turned sideways, away from the viewer. An analogous modesty characterizes her artistic endeavors. She works not in a studio but at home, with her small easel standing on a carpeted floor. Other furnishings, such as a harpsichord adorned with sheet music and a violin resting on the easel, intimate that this well-rounded young woman practices painting as one gracious hobby among many.

Finally, the image emerging in the painting-within-thepainting places Marie-Nicole’s honor beyond reproach, for it assures us that this young woman has put her considerable skills to work in the service of portraying her father’s face. Furthermore, the implied narrative situates Vestier in the positions of artist, model, and viewer, indicating that he painted the portrait of his daughter while she recorded his image on canvas. Extant portraits testify that Marie-Nicole, in fact, painted men other than her father, but this work ensures that no male viewer will imagine himself in a potentially amorous sitting with the attractive young artist.92 Standing in front of his painting, we are transformed into Vestier, with our image reflecting back as his. With no hint of commercial ambitions, no sexual immodesty, and no structural tensions to pique or sustain desire, Vestier’s rendering of his daughter maps the boundaries of acceptable feminine art maki\ng, as codified by Villemert and other guardians of etiquette. In contrast, Labille- Guiard’s Self-Portrait evokes these borders only to blur them.

1787: Ennobling the Self-Portrait

Labille-Guiard’s carefully calibrated self-presentation evidently succeeded in attracting desirable notice, for the livret (catalog) published in conjunction with the next Salon, held in 1787, indicated that Labille-Guiard had become “Premier peintre de Mesdames” and listed three portraits of royal women under her name. Her new patrons, Mesdames Adlade and Victoire, were the unmarried daughters of Louis XV, aunts of Louis XVI, who presided over their own, tradition-bound court at the Chteau de Bellevue.!M Two pieces of evidence point to the 1785 Self-Portrait as the key to Mesdames’ selection of Labille-Guiard as court painter. First, we have a report published in the Anne Littraire of 1785 indicating that Madame Adlade had sought to purchase the Self-Portrait from the artist, who would not part with it despite the large sum-ten thousand livres-it would fetch.94 second, we have visual evidence. For although Labille-Guiard never sold her masterpiece, she provided Madame Adlade with the next best thing-a portrait of Madame pied clearly based on the coveted Self-Portrait (Fig. 10).95

A point-by-point comparison of the 1785 Self-Portrait and the 1787 portrait, Adlade de France, Daughter of Louis XV, Known as “Madame Adlade, ” reveals striking similarities and telling differences. Both center on the full-length image of a luxuriously attired woman next to a painting presented on an easel. Both feature detailed interiors whose linear floor patterns contribute to an illusion of dramatic recession. An upholstered chair and a stool with a roll of paper resting on its seat accompany both figures. Where two students stand behind Labille-Guiard, two columns with Corinthian capitals tower over Madame Adlade. Carved representations of the sitter’s father appear in both backgrounds. And, in the most direct transposition of all, a small statue depicting a vestal bearing a lighted torch is just visible in the shadowy areas at the left of both pictures.

At every turn, though, Adlade de France ennobles the SfIfPortrail, remaking the 1785 interior in opulent materials and replacing bourgeois furnishings with diose appropriate for court life. The floor that was covered with uneven wooden boards now gleams with richly variegated marble. The base of Labille-Guiard’s rough-hewn easel now boasts a foliate garland and ormolu sabots in the shape of winged claws. LabilleGuiard sits on an armless chair, whereas Madame stands before a fauteuil whose back features semidetached colonnettes. The artist’s four-legged taboret has been replaced by the still more elevated pliant, whose X-shaped form derives from the sella curulis that Romans reserved for senators who had held a curule magistracy.96 More broadly, Labille-Guiard aggrandized the depicted space by suggesting that the room continues an untold distance to the left. If the clustered arrangement of secondary figures in the Self-Portrait focuses our eyes on the artist at the center, the relief above Madame Adlade features two figures at the leftmost edge who gaze past the border of the canvas, expanding our attention to something beyond our view.97

Madame Adelaide’s attire is similarly well suited to her noble and chaste persona. Whereas Labille-Guiard had taken pains to dress herself in the revealing clothes of a stylish Parisienne, she presents Madame Adelaide in a manner that is no less ornate but that pointedly rejects both bourgeois fashion trends and sexualized display.98 The conservative Madame Adlade appears here in the supremely formal sack dress-suitable only at court-featuring a gray silk skirt and a red velvet robe, with ornamented borders of silver and gold embroidery unifying the ensemble.” These heavy garments hang loosely over Madame’s standing figure, communicating little about the body hidden beneath. Her neckline is entirely decorous, with an chelle, or ladder of bows, providing the area’s primary visual interest. Labille-Guiard’s handling of fabric in general moves away from the specific depiction of an item of clothing toward the general evocation of drapery.100 Freed from the task of describing the appearance of a particular garment, a cascade of black velvet tumbles from the top of the easel to the floor, echoed majestically by the luxurious train of Madame’s red velvet robe and in miniature by the cloth in her hand.

The portrait’s abundant iconography, explicated by extensive narratives published in the accompanying livret, further establishes Madame Adelaide’s devotion to God and to family.101 Expressing both filial and religious piety, the unfurled parchment hanging over the edge of the pliant in the left foreground reveals “the plan of the convent founded at Versailles by the late Queen [MarieLeszcinska, mother of Mesdames] and of which Madame Adlade is the directrice.”102 In addition, images of family members surround the subject. On her easel rests a framed, oval painting featuring three overlapping, classicized silhouettes representing the “late King, the late Queen, and the late Dauphin, reunited in a bas-relief that imitates bronze; the princess, who is supposed to have painted them herself, has just traced these words: ‘Their image remains the charm of my life.'”103 Like a royal incarnation of Marie-Nicole Vestier, Madame Adlade employs artistic skills only for the most honorable purposes.

The deathbed scene featured prominently in the frieze at the top of the painting crystallizes Madame’s selfless devotion to her father and her sound grasp of gendered principles.104 At the right, King Louis XV lies in a simple bed, his head and chest propped up with pillows. Two figures standing behind the headboard bow their heads in prayer or mourning for the monarch dying of smallpox. Adlade and her sister Victoire seem to have just entered from the left, where two attendants stride forward, raising their arms as if to intercept the approaching women. The livret elucidates the action. The king had “just sent away the Princes due to the danger of the malady,” when Mesdames “entered, despite all oppositions, saying ‘We are happily only princesses.'”105 Male heirs had to be spared potential contagion, because of the infectious and potentially fatal nature of smallpox, and also because the disease was believed to cause sterility in men. But the sisters, who did not have to fear loss of fecundity and whose lives were more expendable, understood their duty to their dying father.

Just as the contents of these painted and printed narratives clarify and celebrate the character of the sitter, their form and extent also enhance the status of both painting and painter.106 More than a historiated portrait, with its depiction of the death of Louis XV in its trompe l’oeil frieze, Adlade de France actually encompasses a Neoclassical history painting. The livrets inclusion of extensive explanatory texts speaks to the painting’s claim to an elevated rank. As a rule, lengthy explanations accompanied only history paintings, whose close ties to discourse had justified the Royal Academy’s claims for the liberal arts status of painting. In fact, Adlade de France is the only portrait granted this kind of discursive supplement in the 1787 livret. It is unlikely that this treatment simply reflects the royal stature of Madame Adlade, for Vige-Lebrun’s contemporaneous Portrait of Marie-Antoinette and Her Children enjoyed no such distinction. Perhaps LabilleGuiard’s portrait had earned the prerogatives of history painting by including the kind of didactic morality tale that was widely seen to argue for the supremacy and utility of painting’s highest genre.107 At least one reviewer pronounced Labille-Guiard’s exhibited works “irresistible proof of the strength and breadth” of women’s “moral faculties” and singled out Adelaide de France as meriting “the most worthy of praises.”108

Ultimately, the narrative and pictorial clarity of Madame Adlade’s portrait constitutes its greatest difference from the 1785 Self-Portrait. Gone is the penumbra that lurks behind Labille- Guiard and her students. Instead, the rich red velvet of Madame Adelaide’s robe contrasts sharply with the pale stone background, and light ricochets around lustrous surroundings. Gone, too, is the ambiguity that envelops Labille-Guiard’s work in progress, as Madame Adlade’s completed painting faces the picture plane to reveal its virtuous contents. Every detail is twice explicated-in paint and in print. The royal portrait seeks to display, to instruct, and to impress, while the Self-Portrait aims to engage and to intrigue.

In fact, the ambivalence that courses through the SelfPortrait surely helped to render it an uncommonly effective vehicle for self- promotion, for the tensions that troubled Labille-Guiard’s professional position serve here to animate the painting and to engross the viewer. With this work, Labille-Guiard reveled in the kind of self-display that a bourgeois woman was supposed to avoid, engaged blatantly with the realm of commerce that was anathema to the Royal Academy, and highlighted her female gender by surrounding herself with the trappings of fashion. At every step, though, she simultaneously nodded at respectability, with recognizable references to fashion plates justifying her immodest pose and attire and a Neoclassical bust of her father overseeing the entire composition. Like any woman who exhibited her art in late- eighteenth-century Paris, Labille-Guiard walked a fine line between propriety and indecency. By toying with this seemingly intractable dilemma, perhaps Labille-Guiard was finally able to triumph over it.

The monumental Self-Portrait with Two Students that French academician Adlade Labille-Guiard (1749-1803) exhibited at the 1785 Salon manip\ulated the contradictions and controversies that defined the era’s professional female artists and, through its calculated transgressions, won the approbation of critics, Salon-goers, and elite patrons. Influenced by diverse sources, ranging from old master traditions to contemporary fashion plates, the work presented Labille-Guiard as a protean figure-both an ambitious portraitist and a stand-in for fashionable sitters. This calibrated ambivalence propelled Labille-Guiard to new heights of social and professional success.

Notes

This essay is excerpted and expanded from my dissertation, which was sponsored by Natalie Kampen and Simon Schama at Columbia University and funded by Columbia, the Fulbright Program, and the Whiting Foundation. Parts of this material have been presented at venues including the Frick Symposium on the History of Art, the American Society for EighteenthCentury Studies, and the Annual Conference of the College Art Association. At the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Kathryn Galitz, Denny Stone, and the Costume Institute were very helpful. I am also grateful to Marc Gotlieb, Lory Frankel, and The Art Bulletin’s anonymous readers for their commentary, and especially to Melissa Hyde and Maria Ruvoldt, who generously read and commented on a late draft of this article.

All translations from the French are my own, unless otherwise noted.

1. The full title as given by the Metropolitan Museum is Self- Portrait with Two Pupils, Mademoiselle Marie Galriielle Capet (1761- 1818) and Mademoiselle Carreaux de Rosemond (died 1788). On the museum’s acquisition of the painting, see Elizabeth E. Gardner, “Four French Paintings from the Berwind Collection,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, n.s., 20, no. 9 (May 1962): 265-71.

2. On the surge in self-portraits of French women artists pictured at the easel in the late eighteenth century, see Marie-Jo Bonnet, “Femmes peintres leur travail: De l’autoportrait comme manifeste politique (XVIIIe-XIXe sicles),” Revue d’Histoire Moderne el Contemporaine 49, no. 3 (July-September 2002): 140-67.

3. See, for instance, the covers of Aileen Ribeiro, The Art of Dress: fashion in England and France 7500 -1820 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995); and Marilyn Stokstad, Art History (Upper Saddle River, NJ.: Prentice Hall, 2005).

4. Anne-Marie Passez’s 1973 catalogue raisonn remains the most recent book on the artist, and my own dissertation, completed in 2000, offers the only English-language monograph. In addition to Anne-Marie Passez, Adlade Labille-Guiard, 1749-1803 (Paris: Arts et Mtiers Graphiques, 1973); and Laura Auricchio, “Portraits of Impropriety: Adlade Labille-Guiard and the Careers of Professional Women Artists in Late Eighteenth-Century Paris” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2000); see also Roger Portalis, Adlade’s Labille- Guianl, 1749-1803 (Paris: Georges Rapilly, 1902).

5. The present essay is the first to give the Self-Portrait a concerted study. However, the Self-Portrait has been discussed in recent work, including Liana De Girolami Cheney, Alicia Craig Faxon, and Kathleen Lucey Russo, Self-Portraits by Women Painters (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2000), 123-24; Melissa Hyde, “Under the Sign of Minerva,” in Women, Art and the Politics of Identity in Eighteenth-Century Europe, ed. Hyde and Jennifer Milam (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2003), 139-63; and Mary D. Sheriff, The Exceptional Woman: Elisabeth Vige-Lebrun and the Cultural Politics of Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 187-89.

6. I am particularly indebted to Mary D. Sheriff’s influential account of lisabeth Vige-Lebrun (whom contemporary critics termed LabilleGuiard’s rival), especially Sheriffs argument that the category of the “woman artist” was hotly contested in the waning years of the ancien rgime, such that deft self-presentation became a prerequisite for women’s artistic achievement. In addition to Sheriff, The Exceptional Woman, see also Mary D. Sheriff, “Woman? Hermaphrodite? History Painter? On the Self-Imaging of Elisabeth Vige-Lebrun,” Eighteenth Century: Theory and Interpretation 35, no. 1 (Spring 1994): 3-27; and idem, “The Im modesty of Her Sex: Elisabeth Vige-Lebrun and the Salon of 1783,” in The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, ed. Ann Bermingham and John Brewer (London: Routledge, 1995), 455-88.

7. For a similar argument about the need to seek women’s stories in alternative sites and marginal sources, see Melissa Hyde, “Women and the Visual Arts in the Age of Marie-Antoinette,” in Anne Vallayer-Coster. Painter to the Court of Marie-Antoinette, ed. Eik Killing and Marianne Roland Michel (Dallas: Dallas Museum of An, 2002), 75-93, esp. 81.

8. My understanding of the volatile politics of the Parisian art world has been particularly influenced by Thomas Crow, Painters and Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Paris (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985); Bernadette Fort, “Voice of the Public: The Carnivalization of Salon Art in Prerevolutionary Pamphlets,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 22, no. 3 (Spring 1989): 368-94; and Richard Wrigley, The Origins of French Art Criticism from the Ancien Regime to the Restoration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993).

9. Unlike many women artists of her period, Labille-Guiard was not born into a family of artists or artisans but rather came from a family of merchants. For Labille-Guiard’s early history, see Passez, Labille-Guiard, 7-15.

10. Complete catalog entries for all of Labille-Guiard’s works discussed here may be found in Passez, Labille-Guiard.

11. On the Salon de la Correspondance in the context of the intellectual project of the Enlightenment, see Dena Goodman, The Republic of letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994), 242-80. For a catalog of the works of art exhibited at the Salon de la Correspondance, see mile Bellier de la Chavignerie, “Artistes oublis et ddaigns: Pahin de la Blancherie et le Salon de la Correspondance,” Revue Universelle des Arts 19 (1864): 203-24, 239- 67, 354-67; 20 (1865): 46-58, 116-27, 189-95, 253-62, 320-29, 402- 27; 21 (1866): 34-48, 87-112, 175-90. See also Laura Auricc

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Winners of the 2007 La Roche-Posay North American Foundation Award Announced at Gala Dinner in Washington, DC

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First prize was awarded to Amanda Nelson, PhD from Penn State University for her abstract “Determining the mechanisms by which 13-cis retinoic acid suppresses sebum production”. Second prize was awarded to Sunil Kalia, MD from the University of British Columbia for his project, “Melanin Quantification: In vitro and in vivo analysis through infrared fluorescence and raman scattering”.

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Deserted Babies a National Problem

OROSI, Calif. — Residents and investigators alike ponder how a mother could abandon three newborns in two years, all in the same neighborhood of this small farming town.

And they’re not alone.

Abandoned-infant cases like the one focusing a national spotlight on Orosi are as baffling to social service and child-advocacy experts as they are to local detectives searching _ so far in vain _ for the mother.

Some estimates suggest more than 50 infants are abandoned each day in the United States. Theories abound about why a woman would desert a newborn in some public place _ or worse _ without knowing whether her child will live or die.

“What makes a person leave a child where it can be easily found, or at a hospital, rather than putting it in a trash can or a roadside to die?” asked Joyce Johnson, a spokeswoman for the Child Welfare League of America in Washington, D.C. “We have no way of knowing.”

Because in most cases the mothers are never found, the answers remain missing pieces of a heartbreaking puzzle.

The Orosi case has sparked renewed interest in safe-haven laws that allow mothers to anonymously and legally abandon their babies. But some critics say rather than solving the crisis, such laws add to the uncertainty because they don’t give authorities a chance to treat the mother for physical or emotional problems.

Orosi’s mystery began Feb. 10, 2005, when a baby boy, less than 2 hours old, was found in front of a home on Paradise Court. It continued 11 months later, on Jan. 8, 2006, as a family living less than two blocks away found a girl less than a day old in the bed of a pickup parked out front. Both babies survived.

After another 11-month interval, on Dec. 3, the tiny body of another girl less than a day old was found in the bed of a pickup _ less than two blocks from the others.

Many are quick to judge the mother. They question why she didn’t drop off the babies at safe locations such as a hospital or fire station. Such criticism only intensified after the third baby was found dead.

“I think a baby is a gift from God,” said Robert Huerta of Cutler, Calif., a town less than a mile south of Orosi. “And to do that _ she must not have a heart.”

Tulare County coroner’s officials named the dead infant Angelita DeOrosi _ Spanish for “little angel of Orosi.” She was buried last week in a donated plot at a cemetery in nearby Dinuba.

Disbelief in the community grew to nationwide amazement last week after sheriff’s detectives said DNA tests confirmed the three babies were siblings and likely from the same mother.

Investigators already believed the first two cases might be connected. Genetic samples were sent for testing, but officials said a backlog at a state lab kept the two cases from being a top priority until the discovery of the dead baby late last year.

Sgt. Chris Douglass, a sheriff’s spokeswoman, said investigators have repeatedly visited Orosi in recent months to follow leads. A handful of those interviewed even gave samples of DNA, but results eliminated them as possibilities.

“No one’s been arrested or detained; we’re just following leads,” Douglass said.

But with leads exhausted, detectives hope a $5,000 reward may prompt tips that will help identify the mother and explain her reasoning.

National experts say the answers in such cases are elusive, except in rare instances where mothers are found.

“We don’t know how many might have been raped or coerced with domestic violence,” Johnson said of women who feel compelled to conceal a pregnancy or abandon a baby.

“The surprising thing to wonder about is, what motivates a woman to go through this alone?” she added. “Are they really alone in these cases when they’re in labor and delivery?”

A lack of accurate information makes the scope of the problem difficult to define.

Kenneth Wolfe, a spokesman for the Administration for Children and Families _ a branch of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services in Washington, D.C. _ said the federal government leaves it to states to track abandonment cases. There is no requirement for states to report their statistics to federal officials.

Wolfe said the most recent national data were commissioned by Congress in 1998. That year, the government reported, 30,800 babies were abandoned in hospitals across the country; another 105 “discarded” infants were found in other public places, including 33 dead babies.

Project Cuddle, a Costa Mesa, Calif.-based nonprofit organization that offers women and girls support and referrals to prevent abandonments, estimates that as many as 57 babies a day are deserted in the United States.

California is one of 47 states with safe haven laws that permit a mother to leave a newborn at a hospital or fire station without fear of prosecution. Since the state Safely Surrendered Baby law was enacted in 2001, 182 infants were surrendered at such havens, while another 146 infants were found alive after being abandoned elsewhere.

The Orosi abandonments and the death of the third baby prompted Tulare County supervisors to increase the number of safe haven sites where a mother can drop off a newborn under the state law. Thirty city and county fire stations were added to the three hospitals already on the list.

Officials also want to increase awareness of safe havens, blanketing the town with fliers, posters and bumper stickers.

In Sacramento last week, the Assembly Judiciary Committee approved a bill by Assembly Member Alberto Torrico to change the California law. The law currently allows a parent to drop off a newborn up to 3 days old at a hospital or other designated safe haven; Torrico’s bill would extend the time to 30 days after a child is born.

Project Cuddle founder Debbe Magnusen said her organization has saved more than 560 babies from abandonment by mothers calling its toll-free hotline since it started in 1996. The group reaches out to pregnant women to offer care, support and alternatives to abandonment, including adoption.

Magnusen said the women who call run a gamut.

“They’re all across the board in race, culture, education and economic status,” Magnusen said. “The average age is 21, and about half of them already have a child or have given birth to a baby and given it up.”

And, she said, about 50 percent of the women were either foster children, adopted or had other dealings with social service agencies during their childhood.

Some, she said, are victims of rape or incest. “They’re in a position where they’re abused and they can’t tell anyone,” Magnusen said. Others were ashamed to tell their families or in a violent domestic relationship with a partner who threatened them if they got pregnant.

The results, Magnusen said, are devastating _ a traumatized woman in emotional denial that she is pregnant or hiding her pregnancy from family.

Some experts commenting on the Orosi case cited the mother’s likely trauma when they questioned the effectiveness of safe-haven laws in California and elsewhere.

“What’s clear in this case is that the law in California didn’t do these kids any good at all,” said Adam Pertman, executive director of the nonprofit Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Foundation in New York. “It’s clear these laws, however well-intentioned, are not accomplishing what they’re supposed to.”

Pertman said research suggests women who leave babies at hospitals or other safe havens “aren’t the ones who were likely to put their babies in harm’s way in the first place.”

“If you’re sane, you don’t need a law to tell you that putting your kid in a trash can or a portable toilet is a bad thing to do,” he said. “Evidence says that the women who unsafely abandon babies or commit neonaticide are in severe distress or duress or post-partum psychosis.”

Oscar Ramirez, a spokesman for the California Department of Social Services in Sacramento, said the safe-haven law “is showing its worth.”

“We’ve had 182 newborns left at safe havens in six years,” he said. “That’s potentially 182 sad stories we’d be reading in the newspaper.”

But Johnson expressed concern about the law.

“The issue for child-welfare and family counselors is that this mother isn’t getting any help,” she said when she learned about the Orosi babies. “With safe-haven laws, you save the child but the mother walks away. There’s no help for her medical problems or for her mental health problems.”

Johnson added: “Obviously something’s going on emotionally; how do you know they’re not doing it over and over again? That’s a drawback to the legislation, that you’re not necessarily preventing it from happening again.”

And fears of a repeat occurrence _ a fourth abandoned baby _ dwell on the minds of investigators and Orosi neighbors.

Douglass noted the neat 11-month intervals between the first three babies and said the unknown mother could be pregnant yet again.

Joel Milligan of Orosi lives just a few doors down from each of the homes where the babies were found.

He was alerted to the latest discovery in December by neighbors screaming they had found the dead girl in their truck.

“I don’t understand why they just can’t put up some video surveillance and catch this woman,” Milligan said. “I don’t want to see a dead baby in the back of a pickup again.”

Doctor’s ADA Trial Gets Started: Dr. Jonathan Haas, Who Has Bipolar Disorder, Claims Rights Violated.

By Terrie Morgan-Besecker, Wilkes-Barre, Pa., Times Leader

Apr. 3–WILKES-BARRE — A federal jury began hearing testimony Monday in a case that pits a physician’s rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act against an area hospital’s responsibility to ensure patient safety.

Both sides in the case of Dr. Jonathan Haas versus the Wyoming Valley Health Care System agree Haas is an extremely intelligent and talented orthopedic surgeon. They also agree Haas has been diagnosed as suffering from bipolar disorder, a mental illness that can affect a person’s ability to think clearly and logically.

They disagree on how much that illness has impacted his ability to perform.

The case stems from the health care system’s refusal to reinstate Haas after he suffered a psychiatric episode while performing a total knee replacement at Wilkes-Barre General Hospital on May 23, 2001.

Haas obtained psychiatric help and the hospital agreed to reinstate him. But officials mandated that all his surgeries be supervised by a fellow board-certified orthopedic surgeon for at least six months.

Haas maintained his illness was under control, and that the hospital’s demands were impossible to meet. He filed suit in 2003, alleging the health care system violated his rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act.

The ADA requires an employer to provide a “reasonable accommodation” to employees who suffer from certain disabilities, including mental health problems. The health care system maintains this case falls within an exemption to the act, which states that accommodation does not have to be made if there is a “direct threat” to others.

In his opening statement, Haas’ attorney, Kim Borland of Wilkes-Barre, acknowledged Haas acted strangely during the surgery in question. But he said Haas completed the surgery without any intervention, with no harm to the patient.

Despite that, Borland said Haas realized he had a problem and opted to voluntarily relinquish his operating privileges so that he could seek mental health counseling.

“There was a significant issue. He had a problem. He recognized it and had the insight to say, ‘I’m temporarily not going to practice surgery,’ ” Borland said.

Haas obtained treatment and in November 2002 he was cleared to return to work without any restrictions by his treating psychiatrist. But the hospital continued to insist he be supervised, even though there was no medical evidence to support its contention that Haas was a danger.

Borland said Haas contacted numerous orthopedic surgeons, but none would agree. The hospital’s chief of surgery did offer to supervise him, but hospital officials rejected that because he was a general surgeon and did not have the expertise in orthopedic surgery.

“He was essentially banished (from working) in this community,” Borland said.

The hospital’s attorney, Phil Kircher of Philadelphia, maintains the facility’s actions were entirely reasonable given Haas’ history of mental illness, which Kircher said included at least two inpatient stays in mental health facilities prior to the 2001 incident. Haas also had a history of not taking medications to control his mental disorder, he said.

“This case can be summed up in two words: patient safety,” Kircher said. “The hospital did not want to expose a patient to a physician who ‘melted down,’ quite frankly, in the operating room.”

Kircher acknowledged the patient in that case was not harmed, but said it was a “miracle.”

Five witnesses will testify that Haas became disoriented during the surgery, forgot the names of certain instruments and at one point appeared to be talking to the wall, he said. Haas was only able to complete the surgery with the help of two others in the room, who “walked” him through it, step by step, Kircher said.

“It’s great that nothing happened, but that does not mean he was not a danger,” Kircher said.

Testimony will resume today in federal court in Wilkes-Barre before U.S. District Judge A. Richard Caputo.

Terrie Morgan-Besecker, a Times Leader staff writer, may be reached at 570-829-7179.

—–

Copyright (c) 2007, Wilkes-Barre, Pa., Times Leader

Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News.

For reprints, email [email protected], call 800-374-7985 or 847-635-6550, send a fax to 847-635-6968, or write to The Permissions Group Inc., 1247 Milwaukee Ave., Suite 303, Glenview, IL 60025, USA.

BodyLogicMD and Dr. Susan Linder Open Dallas/Fort Worth Practice

As baby boomers age, an unprecedented number of women will pass through menopause in the next two decades, and today, women can live over one-third of their years after menopause.

Dallas/Fort Worth women (and men) now have an anti-aging doctor who specializes in treating the signs of aging including menopause as well as andropause (the male menopause).

BodyLogicMD, a national network of anti-aging physicians offering bioidentical hormone therapy integrated with fitness and nutrition programs, announces the grand opening of its Dallas/Fort Worth center, located at 2800 S. Hulen Street, Fort Worth, Texas 877-251-2863 owned by Dr. Susan Linder.

Signs of Hormonal Imbalance

 --  Hot Flashes --  Weight Gain --  Muscle Loss --  Lost Libido --  Mood Swings --  Decreased Bone Density --  Low Energy --  Sleeplessness      

“I am excited to open a practice dedicated to helping patients find optimal health through preventative medicine integrated with bioidentical hormone therapy,” said BodyLogicMD’s Dr. Linder. “Hormonal imbalances such as menopause, andropause, perimenopause and PMS are facts of life, but that doesn’t mean people have to suffer with the uncomfortable symptoms.”

BodyLogicMD physicians are hormone therapy specialists who educate patients about the best treatment options for their individual symptoms integrated with proper fitness and nutrition.

According to BodyLogicMD; best practices in patient care means meeting personally with a physician qualified in BHRT, providing prescriptions from reputable and knowledgeable compounding pharmacies, using proper diagnostic testing integrated with comprehensive patient symptoms and balancing the entire symphony of hormones integrated with proper fitness, nutrition and lifestyle.

“The goal is to balance the symphony of hormones. Bioidentical hormone therapy focuses on maintaining a healthy, vibrant, mentally sharp, sexually active life while building the body’s natural defense against age-related diseases,” said Linder.

About Dr. Susan Linder

Susan K. Linder, M.D. attended medical school at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center and completed her physical medicine and rehabilitation residency at Baylor College of Medicine in Houston. She is board certified in Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, and subspecialty board certified in Pain Medicine. Recently, Dr. Linder pursued further medical education and training in the area of anti-aging medicine. She has become an active member of the American Academy for Anti-aging Medicine, and is a member of the Fellowship in Anti-Aging and Functional Medicine. Throughout the years Dr. Linder practiced physical medicine and rehabilitation, she became acutely aware of the devastation caused by sedentary living, lack of nutrition and fitness, and imbalanced hormones. This discovery is what motivated her to expand her practice focus on preventive medicine and bioidentical hormone therapy serving both men and women.

About BodyLogicMD

Founded in 2003, BodyLogicMD is a network of physician-owned practices specializing in natural bioidentical hormone therapy integrated with fitness and nutrition to men and women suffering from hormonal imbalance, menopause and andropause. Suzanne Somer’s latest book “Ageless,” the naked truth about bioidentical hormones features BodyLogicMD as an expert source. For more information and to find the BodyLogicMD location nearest you visit www.bodylogicmd.com.

 BodyLogicMD of Fort Worth Location: 2800 S. Hulen Street Suite 203 Fort Worth, Texas 76109 877-251-2863 [email protected] www.bodylogicmd.com 

 Media Contact  Lisa Buyer Contact via http://www.marketwire.com/mw/emailprcntct?id=777A7DD98DCC6B6A 954-354-1411 x14  Jill Swartz Contact via http://www.marketwire.com/mw/emailprcntct?id=176C38A0C0509389 954-354-1411 x17  

SOURCE: BodyLogicMD

Research Center for the Amish Opens at Greenfield

By Foehlinger, Cris

Clinic that studies diabetes and other diseases is testament to trust built over time

Dr. Alan Shuldiner started researching adult diabetes about 14 years ago by driving from Baltimore to Lancaster County to draw blood from the Amish.

Twice a week, he would leave his home at 3 a.m. to be on Amish farms by 5 or 5:30 a.m. to draw blood from fasting volunteers.

“I had no clinic here so I would take a tabletop centrifuge from the trunk of my car and run it with a gasoline-driven generator,” he said.

The blood samples were frozen with dry ice and transported back to Baltimore for more testing.

Two years later, Shuldiner rented space from Dr. Holmes Morton at his Clinic for Special Children in Strasburg, because the number of participants in the study had grown significantly.

“I was able to help them [with the diabetes] by giving them tests they wouldn’t normally get,” he said. “Then I would teach them about the disease.”

Saturday, 14 years after the research began, the staff and Amish community came together to celebrate the opening of the University of Maryland Amish Research Center at 1861 William Penn Way.

Horse-drawn buggies lined the parking lot and Amish filled the 3,300-square-foot facility. Many in the community brought food to share.

The new clinic gives the staff of 14 the space it needs to conduct tests for studies on diseases such as diabetes, heart disease, osteoporosis, and breast cancer. More than 4,000 Amish are participating in the various studies.

It also gives them their own identity. Mary Morrissey, nurse coordinator for the clinic, said most people assumed they were part of Morton’s clinic.

“I’d say this is a lifetime of fulfillment, but I’m not done living yet,” she quipped. “It is a lifesaver because we can branch out and conduct our studies.”

The clinic includes an ultrasound room, a DEXA-scan room for testing bone density and an examination room. There is a waiting room, decorated with a country flair, for patients tested for diabetes. “We give patients a sweet drink, usually orange soda, and they have to wait a few hours before we test their blood,” Shuldiner said.

The clinic also has a kitchen so staff can feed volunteers who must fast for tests. “They often go right to work from here …,” he said.

On the other side of the main waiting room is a state-of-the-art blood laboratory. Tests are conducted on-site and then the blood is frozen and sent to the University of Maryland for gene mapping, the doctor said.

Shuldiner, professor of medicine and head of the Division of Endocrinology, Diabetes and Nutrition at the University of Maryland School of Medicine, chose the Amish community for his research because they marry within their community, have large families, lead a traditional lifestyle and keep family records dating back to the 1700s.

“This population has a stable gene pool and can help us understand what is at work,” he said.

When he started, Shuldiner had no money. He now works with grants totaling $25 to $30 million, most from the National Institutes of Health.

Amish volunteers get tested for specific diseases in the various studies. All medications and tests are free of charge.

“I met Sadie Beiler 14 years ago and asked her about diabetes among the Amish,” he said. By coincidence, she had the disease.

“The disease runs in families and many in her family had it so it wasn’t hard to convince her to take part in the study,” he said.

It was difficult to convince others, but the doctor said he worked slowly and word of mouth drew more Amish to him.

“Amish are leery of outsiders and modern medicine so they had to get to know me and know I wasn’t a fly-by-night researcher but that I was giving back to the community.”

Caption: Vinny Tennis, Sunday News – Amish buggies sit outside the University of Maryland Amish Research Clinic in Greenfield Industrial Park on Saturday. The clinic held an open house for the Amish and “English” communities to show off the new space for genetic research.

(Copyright 2007 Lancaster Newspapers)

(c) 2007 Sunday News; Lancaster, Pa.. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Factors Affecting Curriculum Content and the Integration of Evidence- Based Practice in Entry-Level Physiotherapy Programs

By Chipchase, Lucy S; Williams, Marie T; Robertson, Val J

Decisions about auricular content in entry-level health professional programs are influenced by a variety of external and internal factors. However, little is known about how lecturers make decisions about the curricular content to be included or excluded from entry-level programs. This study aimed to explore the factors influencing such decision making regarding curricular content in entry-level Australian and New Zealand programs for physiotherapy, as well as how evidence-based practice (EBP) is integrated into the teaching and learning framework. Thirteen lecturers from 13 institutions (100% response rate) responsible for teaching a core part of physiotherapy practice, electrophysical agents, participated in a semistructured telephone interview. Decision making for curricular content involved an overall democratic process with the program team, but the day-to-day content was determined by the lecturer. Factors that lecturers reported as impacting on the choice of curriculum were current clinical practice, evidence, and accreditation or registration requirements. Thematic analysis of open-ended questions identified four main themes relating to the integration of the EBP paradigm within teaching: resource materials, use of broad definitions of evidence, inclusion of specific instructional strategies, and context of curriculum. Lecturers used a variety of research methodologies as a backdrop for the presentation of techniques and interventions that are used commonly in clinical practice despite limitations in the evidence base. The results highlighted tensions that exist when designing entry-level curricula with the need to prepare competent and safe practitioners while working within an EBP paradigm. J Allied Health 2007; 36:17- 23.

ENTRY-LEVEL PROGRAMS for the health professions must ensure that beginning practitioners are competent and safe to practice within the scope of their discipline and that they are aware of the current dominating paradigms within health care.1,2 The move away from apprenticeshipbased education models for allied health care professions toward university-based degrees provided for the need for predictable and standardized training and also implicitly encouraged health professions to explore, innovate, and experiment while providing students with new and sometimes controversial material within the curricula.3 At the same time, however, lecturers involved in health care education have to respond to local and international trends in clinical practice, the demands of accreditation and registration authorities, and workload and time constraints.4,5

Accreditation systems for physiotherapy (known as physical therapy in some countries) such as the Australian Council of Physiotherapy Regulating Authorities Ltd. in Australia and the Commission on Accreditation in Physical Therapy Education in the United States offer limits and guidance but do not provide an hour- by-hour description of required curricular content. Specific decisions concerning curricula (such as what should be included, removed, and excluded; the mode of teaching and nature; and type and scheduling of assessments) are the responsibility of the lecturers. Little is known about how lecturers make decisions and the factors that impact on choice of curricula.

Competence with electrophysical agents is a core requirement of beginning physiotherapy practitioners. Consistent with this, subjects on electrophysical agents have been included in entry- level physiotherapy curricula since the inception of the profession.6,7 Electrophysical agents consist of three main energy forms (thermal, sound, and electric and electromagnetic energy) that can be applied for therapeutic (and sometimes diagnostic) purposes and biofeedback.8-10 Table 1 summarizes the variety of electrophysical agents currently used by physiotherapists in Australia and New Zealand.

Over the past decade, evidence-based health care has become a global philosophy underpinning the decisionmaking process in the clinical management of health care consumers. Evidence-based practice (EBP) has been defined as “the conscientious, explicit and judicious use of current best evidence in making decisions about the care of individual patients.”11 EBP is the integration of individual clinical expertise with the best available external evidence from systematically conducted research.11 While debate continues as to what is acceptable as best available evidence, professional health care programs must provide beginning practitioners with the skills and knowledge to practice safely and effectively within the current health care climate. In addition, health care curricula must also integrate other factors such as the cost of the treatment, the availability of a range of treatments, and the patients’ preferences.

To assist with the preparation of beginning health care practitioners, subjects (courses, units, or modules) on EBP, critical appraisal, statistics, and research methods have become incorporated as standard into health professional entry-level programs.12-14 These subjects commonly emphasize the development of skills associated with information literacy, evidence retrieval, and critical evaluation of the literature.13,15-17 The few studies that have reported how EBP is integrated into entry-level curricula have described the use of assignments or case studies that require students to access current best practice or explore the evidence supporting specific clinical practices.2,18-20 No studies have documented how well current curricula reflect best practice, the evidence base underpinning the content covered within subjects, or how lecturers integrate EBP into the teaching of core professional subjects in allied health disciplines.

This report presents the results of a qualitative exploration concerning how lecturers employed within a core area of physiotherapy education (electrophysical agents) made decisions concerning curricula content choices, factors impacting on these decisions, and how EBP was integrated into the teaching of entry- level physiotherapy programs in Australia and New Zealand.

Methods

Ethics approval was granted by the University of South Australia Human Research Ethics Committee. All universities that were running or were due to start entry-level physiotherapy programs in 2004 in Australia and New Zealand were included in the study. Universities that indicated that they were in the process of developing a physiotherapy program but did not have an intake of students proposed for 2004 were excluded.

Eighteen physiotherapy programs in 13 universities in Australia and New Zealand were identified at the beginning of 2004 via access to university Web sites. Five universities ran two entry-level degrees: a four-year bachelor’s degree and a two-year master’s degree, resulting in a total of 10 separate curricula on electrophysical agents. The other eight universities conducted only one entry-level physiotherapy program and hence one curriculum on electrophysical agents each. The discipline leader, either head of school or program director, for each physiotherapy program was identified and then mailed an information sheet outlining the aims and objectives of the study, a consent form, and a stamped addressed envelope. The discipline leader was formally invited to accept the invitation for his or her program to participate in this study, approve the process, and identify the lecturer(s) responsible for developing and coordinating the teaching of electrophysical agents in their entry-level program.

Once the lecturer responsible was identified, a letter that included information about the study and a consent form were sent directly to him or her. A stamped addressed envelope was enclosed so that lecturers could mail the consent form back to the chief investigator. If the consent form was not returned by the specified date, a follow-up letter and e-mail were sent. Once the consent form was received, a mutually convenient time was determined by e-mail communication for a telephone interview.

A semistructured telephone interview was selected as the data collection instrument to address the wide geographical distances with lecturers from all Australian and New Zealand physiotherapy programs.

The data collection instrument was developed following an extensive literature review, two independently moderated focus groups, and a pilot test.21 This established both the content and the face validity of the data collection instrument. Figure 1 provides a summary of the design process. The semistructured interview included both open- and closed-ended questions. The closed- ended questions collected information on curricular content and process. The results from this part of the interview and a copy of the data collection instrument have been reported previously.21 Open- ended questions were used to ascertain how lecturers incorporated evidence related to practice into their teaching, how decisions about curricular content were made, and the factors that impacted on these decisions. Groups of open-ended questions were used to elicit information about three key areas: how EBP was integrated into the teaching of electrophysical agents in their programs, who made the decisions about curricular content regardingelectrophysical agents, and what factors were perceived to impact on the choice of content.

During design of the data collection instrument, an interview schedule was developed to ensure that the interviewer followed a consistent sequenced format. The semistructured interview included a standard introduction and summary. With respect to open-ended questions, several extra “probing” questions were included. These extra questions were similar to the opening question but worded slightly differently to facilitate cross-checking, prompting, and clarification as needed.22

A copy of the interview format was sent to each lecturer before the interview to allow time to collect any relevant data or material and to become familiar with the questions. The chief investigator (L.S.C.) performed all interviews using the interview schedule to complete the data collection instrument. All telephone interviews were conducted using the speakerphone feature on a standard telephone, allowing the investigator to tape the interview with a standard microcassette recorder (RN-502, Panasonic, Osaka, Japan). The interview was recorded and transcribed within two days of the interview date by the chief investigator. The written transcripts were then cross-checked against each audiotape for accuracy of transcription. The transcribed data from the semistructured interview were then returned via e-mail to all lecturers to confirm the accuracy of the data. Lecturers were asked to check the transcription for accuracy, add any details that they had been unable to provide, and e-mail the transcript back with changes. All but two lecturers (three programs) responded to this e-mail, providing further detail and confirming the accuracy of the interview data. Data collection occurred over a two-month period during 2005.

DATA ANALYSIS

Results from the open-ended survey items were analyzed using an iterative approach involving a preliminary and then thematic analysis.23 An inductive approach was used to identify the broad conceptual frameworks and key themes. The aim of this analysis was to identify any trends and patterns within the discussion.

To assist coding, the validated transcribed data were copied onto single-sided A4 paper, with generous margins, page numbers, double spacing, and the main questions highlighted in bold to demarcate possible headings. The thematic analysis started with a reading and rereading of all the transcripts. The sources and selection of categories, themes, and subthemes were influenced by literature reviews, local commonsense constructs, the richness of the data, and the lead researcher’s values and experiences. Codes were derived from each unit of analysis having a word, phrase, or concept requiring attention.24 These categories, themes, and subthemes were added and refined as the researcher became more familiar with the data and were noted in the margin of the transcripts. Highlighters were used to color code themes for ease of identification. Most of the three open-ended survey questions resulted in 0.5- to 1.5-typed pages of double-spaced notes. This relative brevity of response facilitated this form of analysis.

Results

The discipline leaders from each of the 13 universities with an entry-level physiotherapy program consented to involvement in the study and nominated the lecturer responsible for the curriculum on electrophysical agents to be approached to participate in the interview. Of the 13 universities, five offered both bachelor’s (four-year) and master’s (two-year) entry-level programs. In these cases, the same lecturer was responsible for the curriculum on electrophysical agents. Consequently, one lecturer from each of these institutions was interviewed. Thus, a total of 13 lecturers consented to participate in the study.

At the time of data collection, two universities were recruiting a lecturer to teach and oversee their curriculum on electrophysical agents. In these instances, the program director (entry-level program coordinator) was nominated by the discipline leader to participate in the study. One was unable to answer the open-ended questions in the semistructured interview and gave permission for the previous lecturer to be contacted regarding them. The same recruitment and consent procedure was undertaken for this additional subject.

The chief investigator of the present study was one of the 13 lecturers at one of the universities. In this case, an independent person was recruited and trained to conduct that particular telephone interview.

On average, each interview lasted for one hour. The data provided from the open-ended questions ranged from 0.3 to 1.5 pages.

Of the 13 lecturers responsible for curriculum on electrophysical agents, eight were women and five were men. All 13 lecturers held an entry-level physiotherapy degree, and all had postgraduate qualifications. The highest degrees among the lecturers teaching about electrophysical agents in Australia and New Zealand at the time of data collection were three PhDs, five with master’s degrees by research, and five with master’s degrees by coursework.

INTEGRATION OF EBP INTO TEACHING ABOUT ELECTROPHYSICAL AGENTS

Thematic analysis of the transcripts identified four main themes in the responses to the question “How is EBP integrated into teaching electrophysical agents?” These themes were as follows:

1. Resource materials: the type of materials given and presented to students

2. Use of broad definitions of evidence: the types of evidence that lecturers used when presenting information to students

3. Inclusion of specific instructional strategy: how EBP is integrated into teaching about electrophysical agents

4. Context of curriculum: when teaching about electrophysical agents occurred in the overall sequencing of the two- or four-year curriculum.

The first identified theme was resource materials. Lecturers indicated that the research base supporting the use of specific electrophysical agents was included within formal resource materials provided during lectures and practical teaching sessions and informally through verbal discussions associated with teaching sessions. As lecturer 3 commented:

And its (EBP) basically on the direct use of descriptions and discussion within the class about the evidence base. So in the theory lectures there will be discussion in there and again it will be added to in the discussion in the prac(ticd) class.

Other lecturers commented that reading material and recent references were provided to students. As lecturer 7 commented:

We spend a lot of time actually discussing literature in ekctrophysical agents (sic). We work through with the published research for each modality. They have reading lists that relate to each modality in terms of what is the evidence for and against, if you like.

The second theme, use of broad definitions of evidence, represents the wide variety of types of evidence reported as used to support the clinical use of electrophysical agents. Lecturers commented that the types of evidence they use to justify the clinical use of a modality are based on different types of research. The different types of research included randomized control trials and systematic reviews, accepted as the highest levels of evidence within experimental designs hierarchies. They also included evidence obtained from experimental approaches classed as providing a lower level of evidence, such as histologic and physiologic studies, case studies, and qualitative explorations. This approach is summarized in the following response:

Lecturer 5: What we tend to say is ‘evidence supported practice.’ Which means the evidence comes from their pathology lecture notes, their anatomy lecture notes. So they need to know for example with functional electrical stimulation, they need to know what the muscle does, what innervates that muscle and where the nerve runs . . . they can support it from animal studies . . . from clinical trials and evidence . . . from case studies.

Responses to this question indicate that lecturers perceived difficulties with the incorporation of the evidencebased paradigm, particularly the experimental design hierarchical ranking model. A number of lecturers questioned whether a hierarchy of evidence, based on experimental designs, was the appropriate model to determine the evidence base of electrophysical agent modalities in order to educate entry-level physiotherapy students. This issue also identified some concerns with the current lack of highlevel evidence for some electrophysical agents and the methodological quality of existing high-level evidence and the preparation of graduates for a professional working environment where electrophysical agents without highlevel evidence continue to be used. Examples of responses raising these concerns included the following:

Lecturer 3: Whilst we focus on it (evidence) and encourage students to search for it and certainty use it as a guide; one of the problems of electrophysical agents is the dearth of evidence or good evidence in relation to their use. We don’t actually say to students, don’t use something because there is no evidence. Because ultimately that may well be counterproductive. So its looking for… making the most appropriate choices based on the evidence available. And then the other thing that we do with students is to get them to prove or disprove the use of that modality in their current clinical practice. So basically, if you chose ultrasound, in this situation, you need to prove that it’s having an effect. And if it’s not, then you need to think about using a different modality or (a) different way of approaching your problem.

Lecturer 11 : Look 1 think, one tries whenever one is presenting it, to refer to research that provides evidence. And as I say, because there isn’t a great deal, and you can turn around and say why is one still teaching this, that or the other. I think its partly because students are stil\l going to be exposed to it clinically. So one talks about the lack of evidence quite a lot.

The third of the four themes, inclusion of specific instructional strategy, represents responses on how EBP is integrated within the curriculum on electrophysical agents. It also concerns the use of instructional strategies designed to develop skills in accessing and reviewing evidence related to modalities. Four lecturers directly assessed their students’ ability to critically appraise the evidence supporting the use of specific modalities. Examples of assessment included group presentations, set examination questions, and written assignments. However, the focus in these examples was more on understanding the evidence underpinning a particular electrophysical agent, not the ability of students to access or review evidence. Examples of relevant comments included the following:

Lecturer 9: We actively provide an assessment item that shows they have actually looked at providing an argument to support an intervention that they are recommending for a particular case study. And they will be given guidelines to begin that process of critically overviewing the evidence base that they might have access to. The students do this in an assignment sense for one (a modality) of their choosing.

Lecturer 2: In one subject, they need to look at… (developing a topic) but basically it might be on something like laser. They could pick laser even though we haven’t covered it. And discuss the efficacy for laser for wound healing. They will be assessed on the currency and relevance of the research and hopefully how critical they can be given that they are only year 2 students.

The fourth theme identified related to how and when both EBP and electrophysical agents were taught in the context of the overall curriculum. Several lecturers indicated that EBP and critical appraisal of literature were integrated throughout the entire curriculum.

Lecturer 7: One of the big themes that runs through out our entire program is critical appraisal of literature. It is stressed from first semester in first year so in EPA in one of the tutorial sessions, they do a formal tutorial on critical appraisal of electrotherapy literature in which they have articles that they have pre-read.

Other lecturers indicated that teaching about electrophysical agents occurred at a point in the curriculum when students had not completed subjects in statistics or EBP. Because most teaching about electrophysical agents occurred in the early years of the program, several lecturers highlighted the difficulties students had with their limited understanding of the concepts of EBP and knowledge of statistics. This limited their ability to read and review research papers. Thus, there appeared to be limits imposed by curricular sequencing of subjects that affected how EBP was integrated into the teaching of core professional courses.

Lecturer 9: Our biggest evidence-based practice component comes in, unfortunately after the formal teaching of electrophysical agents. But we are trying to begin the process of thinking along the lines of developing a support for treatment based on an assay of relevant literature right from that stage.

Lecturer 2: At the same time they are doing dus (year 2), they are doing a subject on research methods and stat(istics)s so they should be learning how to critically review the literature. But at year two, it’s difficult to say that they are anything more than beginners. The reality is that at the end of it, I can’t believe it, but at the end of it, they come out cheerfully saying nothing works. So I suppose that shows that they know how to be critical. . , . That’s as far as they can go.

DECISION MAKING AND CURRICULAR CONTENT

Textual analysis identified two main responses to the question, “Who makes the decisions as to which electrophysical agents are included or excluded in a curriculum?” The decisions regarding which electrophysical agents are included or excluded in the curriculum, in most instances, appeared to occur at two levels. Many lecturers indicated that the overarching decisions were made in a democratic manner at a teaching and learning committee. As lecturer 8 offered:

We have a teaching and learning committee. As I mentioned at the beginning, we are kind of undergoing a bit of a change at the moment. And that sort of… everyone from each of the courses comes and says, well, I’d like this sort of modality introduced. And so, although I tend to drive it, I get input from everybody else who are (sic) the coordinators of those other courses about what they like in it. It’s a democratic sort of thing.

However, other lecturers indicated that the minutiae and detail of what might be taught or the level to which material was taught depends largely on the actual lecturer. That person is perceived as the content expert in the field and ultimately has the final say on the day-to-day teaching of material. Lecturer 12 commented:

Well me, as the … lecturer has the final say. We have basically decided that across the areas that if each of the staff members was providing the sort of expert background in those areas then they would be responsible for that.

FACTORS AFFECTING CHOICE OF CURRICULAR CONTENT

Using an open-ended question, lecturers were asked what factors they perceived impacted on their choices of content in the curriculum. The range of factors cited included current clinical practice (within Australia and New Zealand), the research or evidence base for electrophysical agents, registration or accreditation requirements, safety, time available within the curriculum, access to equipment, tradition, legislation, and personal clinical practice.

Each lecturer was then asked to rank each factor they had identified in terms of its impact when deciding on the curricular content (1, greatest impact). Table 2 illustrates that most responses related to clinical practice and research/evidence (64- 1%). These were reported as the most or second most important reasons for selecting curricular content in 56.4% of all responses. This was a consistent finding, with 11 of the 13 lecturers ranking these two factors as either the highest or second highest factor. Registration or accreditation requirements were also reported as affecting the decisions. For two respondents, this factor had the greatest impact; for five respondents, it was the third most important factor.

Discussion

Graduates from health professional programs must be work fit, competent, and safe using interventions, such as electrophysical agents, that are commonly accepted and used in clinical practice. When determining curricular content, entry-level programs and their curricula have to be responsive to changes in practice patterns, evidence, and a range of other external and internal factors. The findings of the present study provide valuable insights into how decisions regarding curricula are made and the factors that impact on these decisions. In addition, the study demonstrates how EBP is integrated into the teaching and learning framework. While the results cannot be generalized to other international entry-level professional programs, they provide an interesting and useful picture of how curricular content and professional expectations are currently reconciled by lecturers when preparing core discipline subjects.

The decisions about choice of curricular content were shown to operate at two levels. First, decisions regarding overviews of curricular content were generally made by program teams, yet the actual day-to-day teaching choice was usually the choice of the academic content expert. This suggests that there is a level of autonomy and academic freedom within the teaching of professional subjects but that this is moderated by a democratic team approach to the overall curriculum. In Australia and New Zealand, there is no national examination for students graduating from entry-level physiotherapy programs, and while there are competency standards by which each program is accredited, these do not delineate specific curricular content. This may be one factor that allows this relative autonomy in determining curricular content.

Despite this academic freedom, there are a wide variety of factors that impact on choice of curricula. The key factors that lecturers reported as guiding curricular choices were research or evidence base and current clinical practice. The nexus between clinical practice and evidence base suggests the need for the development of clearer educational guidelines from accreditation and registration authorities to assist lecturers in their choice of curricula such that graduates can be prepared to be safe, effective, and efficacious practitioners. This is particularly necessary because registration and accreditation authorities appear to also exert influence on the choice of academic content. Safety was seen as a relatively low priority by lecturers compared with the previously mentioned factors. This is a surprising result given that electrophysical agents are potentially harmful if applied incorrectly. The results indicate that other factors such as evidence and current clinical practice are more important than safety as a standalone factor.

The results of the second aim of this study indicate that lecturers use a range of knowledge sources in an effort to conform to the principles of evidence-supported practice in their teaching area. These include research using a variety of methodologies, ranging from case reports to randomized controlled trials, which lecturers included in their course materials and reading lists.

The teaching of EBP is accepted as a core requirement of students graduating from entry-level physiotherapy programs, yet educating students in EBP also requires integration with preclinical teaching and clinical education.13,14 The views of the interviewees indicated that educators face a “balancing act” when prepari\ng professional curricula. Lecturers noted the incongruity in developing and teaching curricular material in a program that seeks to use an EBP approach while also having to ensure that they teach core professional subjects that may lack high-level evidence of efficacy yet are still used commonly in contemporary clinical practice. Lecturers reportedly do not shy away from telling students when there is limited or conflicting evidence to support the use of modalities; at the same time, students need to be able to use electrophysical agents safely and independently on graduation.

This study illustrates the dilemmas that lecturers face when preparing a curriculum in an environment where the dominant ideology surrounding EBP is of a hierarchical and quantitative nature. There is little room within this ideology for the use of cellular research and animal-based studies and even less room for practice-based experiential evidence. Despite this, lecturers report using this type of research to substantiate the clinical use of electrophysical interventions in the face of limited availability of randomized controlled trails and systematic reviews. Furthermore, they encourage students to build up their own experiential evidence from clinical practice and to access the wider sources of evidence, both scientific and clinical, than is usually acceptable with a strict interpretation of “best research evidence.”

The findings also highlight how the principles of EBP need to permeate vertically and horizontally throughout the entire curriculum. Lecturers in this study acknowledged the difficulty of teaching core clinical subjects early in a professional course when students may not have had an introduction to the concepts of underpinning knowledge, such as statistics and research methods. This suggests that concepts such as EBP and foundation subjects such as statistics and research methods need to be introduced early in a program and integrated throughout professional courses. However, to do this, program teams must make decisions regarding the EBP paradigm and any limits it might have in a clinical discipline with a rapidly developing research profile but still limited research availability.

The present study has several limitations. While it had a 100% response rate, telephone interviews have the potential for investigator bias, are time limited, and do not allow for visual feedback between the lecturer and the investigator. Face-to-face interviews would have been the ideal, but this was precluded by issues of time and distance. The potential for investigator bias is acknowledged, but processes to reduce the impact of any potential bias were included (development and consistent interview schedule). Similarly, the inclusion of data from the lead researcher, who was responsible for not only the development of the data collection instrument but also completion of the phone interviews and thematic analysis of the response to open-ended questions, is potentially problematic. The lead researcher is an experienced lecturer with primary responsibility for the development and maintenance of the curricula on electrophysical agents within a bachelor’s- and master’s-degree physiotherapy program. The possibility that individual views may have been introduced or skewed the interpretations of data exists, but on review of the openended question responses, the data from the lead researcher reflected similar themes and content to other interviews and were therefore retained. A perhaps more important limitation of this study was the lack of exploration of the underpinning educational philosophy of each program. This may have yielded valuable information regarding the decisions related to content and EBP.

Another possible limitation is the effect that sending questionnaires in advance to each lecturer may have had. This provided time for consultation by the lecturer and may have impacted on the data. Alternatively, this strategy may have resulted in a more thoughtful response from interviewees, increasing the richness of the data, an important consideration in a qualitative study.

In summary, this investigation provides a snapshot of the factors affecting curricular content and how the principles of EBP are amalgamated into the teaching and learning framework of core professional subjects. Lecturers use a variety of research methodologies as a backdrop for the presentation of techniques and interventions that are used commonly in clinical practice despite limitations in the evidence base. This study also highlights the tensions that exist when designing entry-level curricula with the need to prepare competent, safe, and registrable practitioners while working within an EBP paradigm.

REFERENCES

1. Higgs J, Edwards H: Educating beginning practitioners in the health professions. In: Higgs J, Edwards H (eds). Challenges for Health Professional Education. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann; 1999.

2. Hunt A, Higgs J, Adamson B, et al: University education and the physiotherapy professional. Physiotherapy 1998; 84:264-273.

3. Mercer SR, Galvin KA, Jones OG: Academic freedom in physiotherapy teaching. Physiotherapy 2002; 88:303-307.

4. Stockert B: Editorial-uncovering the material. Physiother Res Int 2003; 8(10):iii-iv.

5. Sanson-Fisher R, Rolfe I: The content of undergraduate health professional courses: a topic largely ignored? Med Teach 2000; 22: 564-567.

6. Kitchen S: Electrotherapy-Evidence Based Practice. Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone; 2002.

7. Robertson VJ, Spurritt D: Electrophysical agents: implications of EPA availability and use in undergraduate clinical placements. Physiotherapy 1998; 84:335-344.

8. Cameron M: Physical Agents in Rehabilitation: From Research to Practice. St. Louis, MO: Elsevier; 2003.

9. Low J, Reed A: Electrotherapy Explained: Principles and Practice. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann; 2001.

10. Robertson VJ, Chipchase L, Laakso E, et al: Guidelines for the Clinical Use of Electrophysical Agents. Melbourne: Australian Physiotherapy Association; 2001.

11. Sackett DL, Straus SE, Richardson WS, et al: Evidenced Based Medicine: How to Practice and Teach EBM, 2nd ed. Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone; 2000.

12. Papadopoulos M, Jordaan R: A model for evidence-based electrotherapy in an undergraduate curriculum. South Afr J Physiother 2000; 56:31-35.

13. Ross EC, Anderson EZ: The evolution of a physical therapy research curriculum: integrating evidence-based practice and clinical decision making. J Phys Ther Educ 2004; 18(3):52-57.

14. Slavin MD: Teaching evidence-based practice in physical therapy: critical competencies and necessary conditions. J Phys Ther Educ 2004; 18(3):4-11.

15. Holloway R, Nesbit K, Bordley D, et al: Teaching and evaluating first and second year medical students’ practice of evidence-based medicine. Med Educ 2004; 38:868-878.

16. Jacobs SK, Rosenfeld P, Haber J: Information literacy as the foundation for evidence-based practice in graduate nursing education: a curriculum-integrated approach.) Pro/Nurs 2003; 19:320- 328.

17. Fell DW, Bumham JF: Access is the key: teaching students and physical therapists to access evidence, expert opinion, and patient values for evidence-based practice. J Phys Ther Educ 2004; 18(3):12- 23.

18. McSherry R, Proctor-Childs T: Promoting evidence-based practice through an integrated model of care: patient case studies as a teaching method. Nurse Educ Proct 2001; 1(0:19-26.

19. Taylor-Seehafer MA, Abel E, Tyler DO, et al: Integrating evidence based practice in nurse practitioner education.) Am Acod Nurse Proct 2004; 16:520-525.

20. Portney LG: Evidence-based practice and clinical decision makingits not just the research course anymore. J Phys Ther Educ 2004; 18(3):46-51.

21. Chipchase LS, Williams MT, Robertson VJ: A survey of electrophysical agents’ curricula in entry-level physiotherapy programs in Australia and New Zealand. N Z J Physiother 2005; 33:34- 47.

22. Minichiello V, Madison J, Hays T, et al: Qualitative interviews. In: Minichielio V, Sullivan G, Greenwood K, et al (eds): Handbook for Research Methods in Health Sciences. Sydney: Addison Wesley Longman Australia Ltd; 1999.

23. Grbich C: Qualitative Research in Health: An Introduction. Sydney: Alien and Unwin; 1999.

24. Morse J, Field P: Qualitative Research Methods for Health Professionals, 2nd ed. London: Sage; 1995.

Lucy S. Chipchase, M App Sc

Marie T. Williams, PhD

Val J. Robertson, PhD

Ms. Chipchasc is Program Director and Dr. Williams is Associate Professor, School of Health Sciences, University of South Australia, Adelaide, South Australia, Australia; and Dr. Robertson is Professor of Allied Health, CCH Teaching & Research Unit, University of Newcastle, Gosford Hospital, Gosford, New South Wales, Australia.

Received August 29, 2005; revision accepted April 19, 2006.

Address correspondence and reprint requests to: Lucy S. Chipchase, M App Sc, School of Health Sciences, University of South Australia, Adelaide, SA 5000, Australia. Tel (61) 8-8302-2553; fax (61) 8-8302-2766; e-mail [email protected]

Copyright Association of Schools of Allied Health Professions Spring 2007

(c) 2007 Journal of Allied Health. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Gender Differences in Oral Health Knowledge and Behavior of the Health Science College Students in Kuwait

By Al-Ansari, Jassem M; Honkala, Sisko

Dental caries and periodontal diseases have been declining in most industrialized countries, but this positive trend has not been seen in the Middle East. This study aimed to determine oral health knowledge and behavior of the students at the Health Sciences College in Kuwait as well as possible associated factors. This study was first conducted at the college of the male students (n = 153) during the autumn semester in 2001. A similar questionnaire study was then conducted at the college of the female students (n = 547) during the spring semester in 2002. The samples were merged for this study, for a total sample of 700 students. The response rate was 84% (n = 128) among the male students and 73% (n = 400) among the female students. Most of the students had visited a dentist during the past year, and quite a high proportion was seen for an examination or prevention. Female students reported twice-a-day toothbrushing frequency much more often than did male students. They also used fluotide toothpaste more often than male students. Oral health knowledge (as a summary variable) was statistically significantly higher among the female students than among the male students. It was also strongly associated with the older age among the female students. The knowledge and oral health behavior of the Health Sciences College students in Kuwait, especially among the male students, seems to be poor and calls for an urgent improvement of health education programs. J Allied Health 2007; 36:41-46.

THE MOST COMMON DENTAL DISEASES, dental caries and periodontal diseases, are almost totally preventable with good oral hygiene and restriction of the frequency of sugar intake.1 However, it is extremely difficult to change individual behavior in these respects.2 The incidence of dental caries has been declining in the industrialized countries.3-5 There has also been a positive development in the periodontal diseases globally, which has occurred with the improved oral health behavior of the population.6 However, this positive development has not taken place in the Middle East.7- 10 Knowledge of oral health behavior does not necessarily lead to better health behavior,2,11,12 but better knowledge seems to be associated with better behavior.13,14 Because auxiliary health personnel specialize in preventive information and health promotion, it is important that their own health and oral health knowledge are good and their health behavior conforms to the professional recommendations. With proper knowledge and health behavior, they can play an important role in the health education of individuals and groups15-18 and act as role models for lay people and the community at large. They also have the professional responsibility to educate the population, particularly the male population.

The aim of this study was to determine the oral health knowledge and behavior of the students at the Health Sciences College in Kuwait as well as possible associated factors.

Methods

The Health Sciences College in Kuwait was established in 1974, with separate colleges for the female and male students. It offers the following programs: general nursing, pharmaceutical and medical sciences, oral and dental health (female students only), medical records, environmental health, food sciences and nutrition, and medical laboratory technology (female students only).

This study was first implemented at the college of the male students (n = 153) during the autumn semester in 2001. The descriptive results of the male students were ear lier reported by Al-Ansari et al.19 A similar study was then conducted among the students at the college for the female students (n = 547) during the spring semester in 2002. The samples were merged together for a total sample size of 700 students.

A questionnaire was distributed to all students of both colleges. Participation was voluntary, and the answers were anonymous. The response rate was 84% (n = 128) among the male students19 and 73% (n = 400) among the female students. The questionnaire included sociodemographic questions such as age (18-20 yrs, 21-25 yrs, 26 yrs or older), marital status (single, married), nationality (Kuwaiti, non-Kuwaiti), years in college (first year, second year, or more), and financial status (very good, good, poor). Questions concerning perceived oral health were as follows: “Do you think that you have an oral disease?” (yes, no/don’t know) and “How do you describe your current oral health?” (very poor, poor, good, very good, excellent). Oral health knowledge questions concerned the role of sugar, bacteria, and soft drinks in dental caries; baby teeth brushing after bottle feeding; fluoride toothpaste for baby teeth; occurrence of periodontal diseases in humans; transmission of caries bacteria (Streptococcus mutons) from the father or mother to his or her child; plaque; calculus; dental diseases; extraction of teeth, if painful; what is orthodontics; and the role of fluoride in toothpaste. Questions on oral health behavior included last dental visit (during the last year, more than a year ago), purpose of dental visit (examination/prevention, operative treatment/ extraction, specialist treatment), toothbrushing frequency (less than once a day, once a day, more than once a day), and use of fluoride toothpaste (yes, no/don’t know). seeking information about health was measured by the following questions: “Do you use Internet for medical questions?” (yes, no), “Do you use the Internet for dental questions?” (yes, no), and “Do you trust the Internet?” (yes, must discuss with professionals, no).

STATISTICS

Data on behavior and knowledge were analyzed according to gender, age, marital status, nationality, years in college, financial status, and perceived oral health. The data were processed using SPSS versions 12 and 13 (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL). Differences in health behavior between the genders were analyzed by a ?2 test. All of the knowledge answers (13) were summarized by giving an equal weight (1) to each of the correct answers. These knowledge answers of the summary variable were correlated (Cronbach’s a = 0.432). Analysis of variance was used for evaluation of the statistical significance of the knowledge according to gender and age. The general linear model (an extension of analysis of variance) was used to compare knowledge (dependent factor) with the different background factors (sociodemographic factors, perceived oral health, and oral health behavior variables as independent factors) when age was controlled as a covariate. This was done because age was highly significantly associated with the total knowledge variable among the female students.

Results

DEMOGRAPHICS OF THE Two SAMPLES

The majority of the students who responded to the study were in their first year (60.3% of the female students and 68.8% of the male students). However, there were some demographic differences between the two samples. The female students were younger than the male students; 60.5% of the female students were 18-20 years old, but 53.9% of the male students were 21 years of age or older (p = 0.013). The majority of the female subjects (78.3%) were single, while 83.6% of the male students were married (p = 0.000). Most of the female students (77.0%) were Kuwaitis, but about half of the male students (46.1%) were nonKuwaitis, mainly Arabs from the surrounding countries (p = 0.000). Female students considered more often that their financial status was good (90%) than very good (10%), while among the male subjects the respective figures were 9.4% and 90.6% (p =0.000).

ORAL HEALTH BEHAVIOR

Most of the students had visited a dentist during the past year (65% of female students and 60% of male students; p = 0.000), and quite a high proportion were seen for an examination or prevention (43% and 47%, respectively; p = 0.000) (Table 1). Female students reported twice-a-day toothbrushing frequency much more often than did male students (62% vs. 35%; p = 0.000). They also used fluoride toothpaste more often than did male students (86% vs. 70%; p = 0.000).

KNOWLEDGE OF ORAL HEALTH

The total knowledge variable ranged from 1 to 11, with a theoretical maximum of 13. The mean knowledge score was 6.3, and the mode and the median were 6. Only 13.8% had a higher score than 8, but 17.4% had a score lower than 5. Most of the students knew the role of fluoride in caries prevention, the role of sugar in caries etiology, and that an extraction is not the only treatment for painful teeth (Figure 1). Female students seemed quite consistently to have much higher knowledge of oral health than did male students. This was evident especially in the knowledge of orthodontics (86.6% vs. 18.8%; p = 0.001) but also of calculus (55.2% vs. 27.3%; p = 0.000), concept of dental diseases (80.5% vs. 65.6%; p = 0.001), the role of soft drinks (77.2% vs. 63.3%; p = 0.003), and plaque (53.4% vs. 40.6%; p = 0.022). The only issues where male students had better knowledge were the concept of extractions as a treatment for painful teeth (87.9% vs. 89.1%) and bacteria in caries etiology (56.8% vs. 62.5%), but these differences were not statistically significant.

Oral health knowledge (as a summary variable) was statistically significantly higher among female students (mean, 6.5; SD, 1.9) than among male students (mean, 6.\0; SD, 1.7). It was also strongly associated with age among female students: 6.3 (SD, 1.8) in 18-20 year olds, 6.5 (SD, 2.0) in 21-25 year olds, and 7.5 (SD, 2.1) in those 26 years of age and older.

Total knowledge was quite consistently and significantly associated with all the studied background factors (marital status, nationality, years in college, financial status, perceived oral health, time since last dental visit, purpose of the visit, toothbrushing frequency, use of fluoride toothpaste, use of the Internet for medical and dental questions, and trust of the Internet) among the female students. The highly significant associations of knowledge among female students were found with use of fluoride toothpaste (p = 0.000), last dental visit (p = 0.000), toothbrushing frequency (p = 0.001), and use of the Internet for medical and dental questions (p = 0.001) (Table 2). Among the male students, the only significant associations were with years in college (p = 0.049), use of fluoride toothpaste (p = 0.000), and use of the Internet for medical questions (p = 0.026).

Discussion

Knowledge of health and oral health among health sciences college students can be expected to be very good because of their important future role in health education. In general, their knowledge of dental issues, such as the role of sugar, fluoride, and extractions, was good according to this study. However, there were quite a lot of shortages in their knowledge on many areas, such as transmission of S. mutans bacteria from parents to children and the role of calculus, plaque, periodontal diseases, and so on. Male students seemed to have limited knowledge in these areas. Female students had clearly better knowledge of all the knowledge variables except two issues (the role of bacteria and extractions), but even these differences were not statistically significant. The summary variable on total knowledge also seemed to be clearly higher among the female students than among the male students. The older age of the female students seemed to be associated with better overall knowledge, but surprisingly not among the male students. However, it was controlled in the analyses of the mean scores of knowledge and the background factors. This confirms that there is a need for increasing health information, especially among the male students. It could have been expected that oral health knowledge and behavior would have been better among the dental hygienist students, but their number in this study was only 10 per grade and thus could not be compared statistically with the other groups of the students.

Limited knowledge of oral health issues has previously been reported among dental hygiene students,20 dental students,21-23 and schoolteachers in different countries.24-26 Most of the studied background variables (sociodemographic, perceived oral health, oral health behavior, and information retrieval factors) explained the variation in the knowledge among the female students, but among the male students only toothbrushing frequency, use of fluoride toothpaste, last dental visit, and information retrieval were statistically significantly associated with knowledge. It was promising, however, that the number of years in college was almost significantly associated with knowledge. The students who used the Internet for health information also were more likely to behave as expected by the health professionals and had better perceived oral health as well. This obviously reflects the higher concern of the health-related issues of those students.

There was also an evident need for an improvement in oral health behavior, especially among the male students. Although they seemed to use dental services quite well, their toothbrushing frequency was poor. The toothbrushing frequency was not better than among the representative sample of the total population in Kuwait in the mid- 1980s.10 Use of dental services in Kuwait has clearly increased since the last national health survey. The majority of male students (60%) and female students (65%) in this study had visited a dentist during the past year, while this percentage in 1984-1985 was only 39%.10 Twice-a-day toothbrushing of the female students was at the same level as has been found among 12-year-old schoolchildren,8 but clearly at the lower level among the male students (34%) in this study than among the 12-year-old boys in the earlier study.8 The respective figures from Lebanon have been higher: 70% among female college students and 54% among male college students.9 However, low percentages have also been reported in Saudi Arabia7 and Turkey.27

The results of the poorer behavior of the male students together with poorer knowledge support the concept that knowledge is a prerequisite for better behavior. The female students, having better knowledge and behavior, also have better personal control over their oral health.11 This clear gender difference in health behavior concerning several diseases has been shown in many countries.28,29 The strongest outcome from better health and health behavior is of course the longer life expectancy among women than among men.30 Most of the epidemiologic studies on oral diseases have confirmed the healthier behavior among female subjects than among male subjects.5,6,31 The gender difference seems to be an universal finding that has also been confirmed in the Middle East. The educational status of women in Kuwait has been improving rapidly, even being now in favor of them,32 which might partly explain the better knowledge of the female subjects in this study. In addition, the improved educational status of women has resulted in women postponing marriage,32 which was also clear in this study.

This is the first study reporting gender differences among students of the only health professional college in Kuwait. The study confirms the low level of oral health knowledge and behavior of the college students, which was already reported earlier among the male students.19 The female students had clearly better knowledge and behavior than the male students, but there is still much need for improvement among the female students as well. Oral health awareness has not been high in the Middle East, and special health education programs should be developed for setting an agenda to increase oral health knowledge and improve oral health behavior. The primary and secondary schools would be appropriate settings for implementing health education, but to establish cooperation with the teachers, health professionals should have appropriate knowledge and motivation for initiating this process. It is crucially important to include information on how behavior determines health, including oral health, in the curricula of all health professionals. This would create a positive starting point for oral health personnel to support and inform all other health professionals and schoolteachers further in the implementation of comprehensive oral health promotion programs.

The oral health behavior results of this study indicate a need for establishing an appropriate oral health education system for schoolchildren. Currently, the national school oral health program in Kuwait is coping with emergency care or treatment on demand and cannot cover all the schools with oral health education. The special health education programs at schools should be implemented by the schoolteachers. All health professionals should establish good cooperation with the teachers and provide them with appropriate audiovisual materials to enable them to teach the children in health and health behavior with a strong health education component. The health colleges should also emphasize oral health knowledge and the awareness and behavior of their students, the future health professionals. This would also require changes in the curriculum by increasing health education in all curricula. An improved effect of health education evidently would also decrease the gender differences in these aspects.

Conclusions

The knowledge and oral health behavior of the Health Sciences College students in Kuwait, especially among the male students, seems to be poor and calls for intervention programs. More effective dental health education programs are required to increase knowledge and improve the oral health behavior of the population by focusing on the male students already in school.

REFERENCES

1. Honkala E: Dental health habits of Finnish adolescents. Academic dissertation, Kuopio, 1984. Proc Finn Dent Soc 1984; 80(suppl II): 1-89.

2. Honkala E, Tala H: Total sugar consumption and dental caries in Europe-an overview. Int Dent J 1987; 37:185-191.

3. Honkala E, Sheiham A, Widstrom E, et al: Chapter 13. Effectiveness of oral health promotion. In: Bobby D, Mittelmark M (eds). The Evidence of Health Promotion Effectiveness, Shaping Public Health in a New Europe. A Report for the European Commission by the International Union for Health Promotion and Education. Paris: Jouve Composition & Impression; 1999:pp 145-155.

4. Petersson GH, Bratthall D: The caries decline: a review of reviews. Eur J Oral Sci 1996; 104:436-443.

5. Petersen PE: The World Oral Health Report 2003: continuous improvement of oral health in the 21st century-the approach of the WHO Global Oral Health Programme. Community Dent Oral Epidemiol 2003;31(suppl 1):3-23.

6. Pilot T, Miyazaki H: Global results: 15 years of CPITN epidemiology. Int Dent J 1994; 44(suppl 1):553-560.

7. Al-Tamini S, Petersen PE: Oral health situation of schoolchildren, mothers and schoolteachers in Saudi Arabia. Int Dent J 1998; 48:180-186.

8. Vigild M, Petersen PE, Hadi R: Oral health behaviour of 12- year-old children in Kuwait. Int J Paediatr Dent 1999; 9:23-29.

9. Kassak KM, Dagher R, Doughan B: Oral hygiene and lifestyle correlates among new undergraduate university students in Lebanon. J Am Coll Health 2001; 50:15-20.

10. Behbehani JM, Shah NM: Oral health in Kuwait before the gulf w\ar. Med Princ Pract 2002; 11(suppl 1):36-43.

11. Freeman R, Maizels J, Wyllie M, et al: The relationship between health related knowledge, attitudes and dental health behaviours in 14-16-year-old adolescents. Community Dent Health 1993; 10:397-404.

12. Kay EJ, Locker D: A systematic review of the effectiveness of health promotion aimed at improving oral health. Community Dent Oral Epidemiol 1998; 26:132-144.

13. Woodgroove J, Cumberbatch G, Gylbier S: Understanding dental attendance behavior. Community Dent Health 1987; 4:215-221.

14. Hamilton ME, Coulby WM: Oral health knowledge and habits of senior elementary school students. J Public Health Dent 1991; 51:212- 218.

15. Uitenbrock DG, Schauls RMM, Tromp JAH, et al: Dental hygienists’ influence on the patients’ knowledge, motivation, self- care, and perception of change. Community Dent Oral Epidemiol 1989; 17:87-90.

16. Abraham NJ, Cirincione UK, Glass RT: Dentists’ and dental hygienists’ attitudes toward toothbrush replacement and maintenance. Clin Prev Dent 1990; 12:28-33.

17. McGonaughy FL, Lucken KM, Toevs SE: Health promotion behaviors of private practice dental hygienists. J Dent Hyg 1991; 65:222-230.

18. Brown LF: A comparison of patients attending general dental practices employing or not employing dental hygienists. Aust Dent J 1996; 41:47-52.

19. Al-Ansari J, Honkala E, Honkala S: Oral health knowledge and behavior among male Health Sciences College students in Kuwait. BMC Oral Health 2003; 3:2. Available at: http://www.biomedcentral.com/ 1472-6831/3/2.

20. Kim KJ, Komabayashi T, Moon SE, et al: Oral health attitudes/ behavior and gingival self-care level of Korean dental hygiene students. J Oral Sci 2001; 43:49-53.

21. Kawamura M, Honkala E, Widstrm E, et al: Cross-cultural differences of self-reported oral health behaviour in Japanese and Finnish dental students. Int Dent J 2000; 50:46-50.

22. Kawamura M, Wright FA, Declerck D, et al: An exploratory study on cultural variations in oral health attitudes, behaviour and values of freshman (first-year) dental students. Int Dent J 2005; 55:205-211.

23. strm AN, Masalu JR: Oral health behavior patterns among Tanzanian university students: a repeat cross-sectional survey. BMC Oral Health 2001; 1:2.

24. Lang P, Woolfolk MW, Wirth Faja B: Oral health knowledge and attitudes of elementary schoolteachers in Michigan. J Public Health Dent 1989; 49:44-50.

25. Petersen PE, Danila I, Samoila A: Oral health behavior, knowledge, and attitudes of children, mothers and schoolteachers in Romania in 1993. Acta Odontol Scand 1995; 53:363-368.

26. Sgan-Cohen HD, Saadi S, Weissman A: Dental knowledge and attitudes among Arab schoolteachers in northern Israel. Int Dent J 1999; 49:269-274.

27. Kulak-zkan Y, Ozkan Y, et al: Dental caries prevalence, tooth brushing and periodontal status in 150 young people in Istanbul: a pilot study. Int Dent; 2001; 51:451-456.

28. Cavelaars AE, Kunst AE, Geurts JJ, et al: Differences in self reported morbidity by educational level: a comparison of 11 western European countries. J Epidemiol Community Health 1998; 52:219-227.

29. Winkleby MA, Jatulis DE, Frank E, et al: Socioeconomic status and health: how education, income, and occupation contribute to risk factors for cardiovascular disease. Am J Public Health 1992; 82:816- 820.

30. Townsend P, Davidson N: Inequalities in Health: the Black Report. Harmondsford: Penguin; 1982: pp 112-123.

31. Watt R, Sheiham A: Inequalities in oral health: a review of the evidence and recommendations for action. Br Dent J 1999; 187:6- 12.

32. Shah NM, Shah MA, Radovanovic Z: Towards defining socioeconomic and demographic inequalities that may affect health in Kuwait. Med Princ Pract 1998; 7:33-46.

Jassem M. Al-Ansari, BDS, MSc, DSc

Sisko Honkala, DDS, PhD

Dr. Al-Ansari is Vice Dean for Academic Affairs, and Professor, Department of Oral and Dental Health, College of Health Sciences, The Public Authority for Applied Education and Training, Shuwaikh, Kuwait; and Dr. Honkala is Assistant Professor, Department of Developmental and Preventive Sciences, Faculty of Dentistry, Kuwait University, Jabriya, Kuwait.

Received January 2, 2006; revision accepted April 10, 2006.

Address correspondence and reprint requests to: Jassem M. Al- Ansari, BDS, MSc, DSc, P.O. Box 39102, Alnuzha 73052, Kuwait. Tel 965-483-7052; fax 965-481-1876; e-mail [email protected].

Copyright Association of Schools of Allied Health Professions Spring 2007

(c) 2007 Journal of Allied Health. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Staying Motivated and Avoiding BURNOUT

By Malikow, Max

No professional needs to understand the theory of motivation and its application more than teachers.

The movie Cinderella Man (2005) is the true story of boxer James Braddock, who went from being an unemployed relief recipient to heavyweight champion of the world in 1935. Braddock’s story is about motivation, “the need or desire that energizes and directs behavior” (Myers 2004,455).

Motivation is more easily defined than understood. That “inner drive . . . that causes a person to do something or act in a certain way” (Morris 1973, 929) is always a matter of conjecture. Rare are the instances in which an assignment of motivation can be made with certainty. Consider the mountain climber, pinned by an 800-pound boulder, who freed himself by amputating his own arm with a pocketknife (Ralston 2004). Trapped for six days and dying, what else could have been the motivation for this daring surgery except survival? Less obvious, but still impressive, is the motivation of cross-country runner Ben Comen. During every competition, this young man with cerebral palsy alternately runs and falls for almost an hour-the time it takes him to cover three miles. His extraordinary drive does not lend itself to a simple explanation (Reilly 2003b, 78).

Psychology is the science of mind and behavior (Myers 2004). Most people are at least occasionally curious about why they think, act, or feel as they do. Even in the Bible, this mystery of the self to the self is evident in a lament of the Apostle Paul: “I do not understand what I do. For what I want to do I do not do, but what I hate I do” (Holy Bible 1973, Romans 7:15). Abraham Maslow triangular diagram of the hierarchy of needs represents his explanation of motivation and is ubiquitous in the social sciences (Maslow 1970). Another psychologist attempted to quantify motivation by constructing a list of the human needs that drive behavior (Murray et al. 1938). In his riveting memoir, FBI agent Robert Ressler (in Ressler and Shachtman 1992) described his career as a profiler of serial murderers. An assumption of his work was that the motivation of their horrific behavior was discoverable and explainable. It is not an overstatement to suggest that, ultimately, all of psychology is the study of motivation.

Personal motivation is critical to effective teaching. This article explores the complexity of motivation and its application to teaching. Then, nine principles are suggested to help teachers sustain their personal motivation and avoid burnout.

The Complexity of Motivation

As previously stated, to define a word is not to understand it. In the movie The Shawshank Redemption (1994), a prisoner is asked at his parole hearing, “Are you rehabilitated?” At first, the prisoner responds by saying that he does not know what the word rehabilitated means. Condescendingly, one of the parole board members begins to provide a definition. The prisoner, a man in his sixties who has spent almost all of his adult life in prison, interrupts with an eloquent and moving description of what rehabilitated means to him. According to his understanding of the word, rehabilitated means to be profoundly regretful at having acted foolishly and missed out on the life he might have had as a free man.

Like rehabilitated, motivation is one of many words people regularly employ without having an appreciation for the complexity and deeper meaning it implies. Consider this question: What motivates people to eat? Even the obvious answer-hunger-has an implied complexity. Hunger is explained by the physiological interaction between blood glucose and the lateral hypothalamus, the part of the brain that brings on the experience of hunger. However, a complete understanding of the behavior of eating requires further exploration.

In the United States, eating occurs at culturally determined intervals: breakfast, lunch, and dinner. Hence the phrase, “It’s time to eat.” Another cultural influence on eating is occasion. Eating popcorn while watching a movie and eating a hotdog (or peanuts and Cracker Jacks) at a baseball game are examples of foods associated with certain activities. Moreover, some cultures stereotypically are characterized as lovers of food (Italian) more than others (Asian). Further, eating disorders are not explained physiologically, but psychologically. The anorectic’s hypothalamus is in good working order, and many overweight people use food as an antidepressant.

An indication of the complexity of an issue is when it becomes the topic of disagreements among great minds. B. F. Skinner (1953) believed that the study of human behavior should be restricted to that which is observable. In contrast to Skinner’s view, Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic explanation of behavior (in Strachey 1953) relied heavily on things unseeable: id, ego, superego, conscious, subconscious, unconscious. One can imagine Skinner and Freud discussing motivation. In their conversation, Skinner likely would focus on the observable (reinforcers and actions) while Freud’s emphasis would be on the unobservable (inner conflict).

Yet another means for considering the complexity of motivation is language. Interesting, but not coincidental, is that in both Hebrew and Greek, the word used for wind is also the word for spirit. To be persnickety, actually no one ever has seen the wind blowing. Anyone who claims to have done so has made an inference from the effects associated with wind activity. The Hebrew word ruach and the Greek pneuma can mean either wind or spirit depending on the context. Like the wind, motivation is invisible and subject to inference from that which is seen: behavior.

A complete understanding of motivation is impossible because of actions that occur in the absence of a rational process. Immediate cognition, or intuition, can move people to take correct action without having engaged in analysis or deliberation. Cognitive psychologist Gary Klein (in Gawande 2002, 247) told the story of a fire department lieutenant who averted a disaster by ordering his men out of a burning building; “Something-he didn’t know what- didn’t feel right. And as soon as they exited, the floor they’d been standing on collapsed.” Even after trying to understand why he gave that life-saving order, the lieutenant could not explain why he ordered his men out of the building. About intuition, psychiatrist Andrew Hodges (1994, 3-4) suggested:

There is a capable part of our mind of which we are not immediately aware through our conscious feelings. It is a second compartment to the mind, and it functions in a way all its own. . . . This hidden part of our mind is amazingly observant-truly a deeper intelligence-and it is always attempting to guide us, particularly at crucial moments in our lives.

Application to Teaching

The remainder of this article is intended to give “to airy nothing a local habitation and a name” (Shakespeare 1996, Act V, Scene I). Knowing the definition of motivation and appreciating its complexity are necessary, but insufficient for the work of teaching. Educators also must explore how these concepts apply to their own motivation and that of their students.

A. Bartlett Giamatti, former President of Yale University and Commissioner of Baseball, wrote (in Kelly-Gangi and Patterson 2001, 12): “Teachers believe they have a gift for giving; it drives them with the same irrepressible drive that drives others to create a work of art or a market or a building.” Rereading Giamatti’s quotation with the word drives replaced by motivates clarifies the necessity for a teacher to have conviction about being in the right profession. A teaching of Buddhism is that the right path in life includes the right livelihood. The Buddha taught, “each one must take up work which will give scope to his abilities and make him useful to his fellow man” (Starkes 1978, 60).

Intrinsic motivation for work is a considerable asset. Amy Wrzesniewski and her colleagues (1997) identified three categories of occupations: jobs, careers, and callings. A job is a necessary way to make money, and a career provides opportunities for advancement. With a calling comes the experience of fulfillment owing to engagement in personally meaningful and socially useful activity.

The importance of identifying and maintaining a sense of calling in one’s work cannot be overstated and is the subject of psychologist Marsha Sinetar’s book Do What You Love, the Money Will Follow (1989). Her thesis is that being engaged in the right livelihood is a win-win situation. People who love their work will do it well and are likely to prosper financially. People who love work that does not lend itself to affluence will experience such contentment that money will not matter.

People engaged in a calling tend to experience flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990). Mihalyi Csikszentmihalyi found that the quality of people’s lives increases when they are purposely engaged. His conceptualization of flow came after studying artists who worked long hours at creative work and were unconcerned with external rewards such as money and recognition. Also, they were unaware of the passing hours. A characteristic of a flow activity is its ability to make people transcend time.

The writings of Ciamatti, the Buddha, Sinetar, Wrzesniewski, and Csikszentmihalyi may seem to imply that some people are immu\ne to burnout. However, even for those who love their work and are energized by it, burnout is a possibility. Those who believe that burnout could never happen to them would do well to consider that an unguarded strength is a double weakness.

Nine Principles for Sustaining Motivation

The principles that maintain health also effectively treat undesirable conditions. This section provides nine principles- critical to the health, well-being, and effectiveness of teachers- for sustaining motivation and preempting burnout. These principles also provide effective responses to a developing burnout. To ensure that burnout is understood in the context of this article, the following criteria are provided: (1) emotional exhaustion, characterized by starting the day tired; (2) depersonalization, characterized by strained relationships; and (3) reduced satisfaction, characterized by the perception that work is meaningless (Maslach 1982).

1. Respond to the symptoms. If the criteria for burnout seem to describe you, then consider yourself on the road to R.O.A.D. (retired on active duty). A saying among mental health professionals is: “Denial is not just a river that flows through Egypt.” The mere suspicion of burnout ought to be taken seriously.

2. Know the critical distinction. Imperative for life in general, and work in particular, is that you separate the things you can control from those you cannot. A key to success for recovering alcoholics is the ongoing prayer for wisdom to make this distinction as well as strength to change some things and courage to accept others.

3. Do not treat your car better than yourself. Hopefully, you take some care in maintaining your car. (If you do not, then both you and your car are in trouble.) If you doubt that attention to diet, exercise, and sleep would make a positive difference in your life, then perform a two-week experiment. See whether 14 consecutive days of one improvement in each of these three areas makes a difference. If you refuse to try this experiment, then explain your resistance to yourself.

4. Have a spiritual dimension to your life. Albert Einstein (1990, 202) wrote, “Strange is our situation here upon Earth. Each of us is here for a short time, sometimes seeming to divine a purpose.” Einstein occasionally must have sensed that his work was part of something larger than itself. What is your philosophy of life, and what part does your work have in that philosophy? The stories of Holocaust and POW survivors include, if not emphasize, the role of spirituality in their survival. A spiritual perspective also can be valuable to teachers for coping with the demands of life.

5. Try to have a sense of humor. In a recently completed study of the characteristics of exceptionally effective teachers, 59 percent of the students who provided the data selected a sense of humor as a characteristic of effective teachers. In the study, sense of humor ranked second among the 36 traits cited (Malikow 2005-2006).

6. Have a life outside of work, journalist Richard Cohen (2004, 222) has written, “Careers evolve into jobs, and sooner or later it becomes apparent to most of us that there is a lot more to life than professional recognition.” Do you have relationships and recreational activities that physically and intellectually provide a respite from work? Consider that the word recreation comes from the combination of the prefix re (again) and create (to make).

7. Be prepared for the punch that is likely to knock you down. An adage among professional boxers is: “It’s the punch you don’t see coming that knocks you down.” Be aware of the punch to which you are most vulnerable. Do you get discouraged when your diligence is not appreciated? (Especially discouraging is when someone else receives recognition for your hard work. When that happens, you will know how Paul Revere’s horse felt.) Are you especially sensitive to criticism? Often people will disregard something you have done well and focus on a deficiency. There are people who could see you walk on water and would criticize you for not being able to swim. Are you a perfectionist? Perfectionists perform with excellence, but are vulnerable to discouragement and depression. Perfectionists are self- critics who always can imagine how they could have done something better.

8. Know your limitations. Knowing your limitations means at least three things. One: you will not sabotage the things you do well by taking on tasks for which you are marginally capable. Two: you will not neglect your responsibilities by taking on someone else’s obligations. Three: you will admit to being a limited resource and needing encouragement and advice to do your work optimally. Friends and colleagues provide such support.

9. Know the difference between success and obedience. A reporter once asked Mother Teresa whether she was disappointed that her 40 years of work in Calcutta had not appreciably improved living conditions in the city. She responded, “Cod did not call me to be successful but to be faithful” (Mother Teresa 1997, 103). While success is given to variability depending on who is making the evaluation, like Mother Teresa, you always can know whether or not you have been faithful in putting forth your best effort.

Closing Thoughts

Work that is satisfying and successful for teachers as well as students is work that draws on strengths rather than weaknesses. Marcus Buckingham and Donald Clifton (2001) reported that satisfied and successful people spend more time utilizing their strengths and interests than developing their weaknesses. This is not to say that weaknesses should be disregarded. Addressing weaknesses and nurturing self-discipline always will be important parts of life. However, because research shows that intrinsically motivated people are more likely to experience satisfaction and success than those who are extrinsically motivated (Csikszentmihalyi 1990), teachers would do well to consider these four questions for themselves as well as for their students (Buckingham and Clifton 2001):

1. What activities give me pleasure?

2. What activities leave me wondering, “When can I do this again?” rather than, “When will this be over?”

3. What sort of challenges do I relish and which do I dread?

4. What sort of tasks do I learn easily and which do I struggle with?

All the desires, joys and euphorias of a future life came rushing into me. Maybe this is how I handled the pain.

-Aron Ralston (in Reilty 2003a, 78)

We are unknown to ourselves, we knowers . . . we are not ‘knowers’ when it comes to ourselves.

-Friedrich Nietzsche (1994, 3-4)

I teach because I like to learn.

-Peter G. Beidler (2002, 24)

“Even for those who love their work and are energized by it, burnout is a possibility.”

References

Beidler, P. C. 2002. Why I teach. Kansas City: Andrews McMeel Publishing.

Buckingham, M., and D. O. Clifton. 2001. Now, discover your strengths. New York: Free Press.

Cinderella Man, 144 min., Universal Pictures, 2005.

Cohen, R. M. 2004. Blindsided: Lifting a life above illness: A reluctant memoir. New York: HarperCollins.

Csikszentmihalyi, M. 1990. Flow: The psychology of optimal experience. New York: Harper Gt Row.

Einstein, A. 1990. Strange is our situation here upon Earth. In The world treasury of modern religious thought, ed. ). Pelikan, 202- 05. Boston: Little, Brown.

Gawande, A. 2002. Complications: A surgeon’s notes on an imperfect science. New York: Metropolitan Books.

Hodges, A. M. 1994. The deeper intelligence. Nashville, TN: T. Nelson.

Holy Bible, New international version. 1973. Romans 7:15. Grand Rapids, Ml: Zondervan Bible Publishers.

Kelly-Gangi, C., and J. Patterson, eds. 2001. Celebrating teachers: A book of appreciation. New York: Barnes and Noble Books.

Malikow, M. 2005-2006. Effective teacher study. National Forum of Teacher Education Journal-Electronic 16(3E). Available at: www.nationalforum.com/ Archives.htm.

Maslach, C. 1982. Understanding burnout: Definitional issues in analyzing a complex phenomenon. In lob stress and burnout, ed. W. S. Paine, 29-40. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.

Maslow, A. H. 1970. Motivation and personality, 2nd ed. New York: Harper & Row.

Morris, W., ed. 1973. American heritage dictionary of the English language. New York: American Heritage Publishing.

Murray, H. A., W. G. Barrett, E. Homburger, et al. 1938. implorations in personality. New York: Oxford University Press.

Myers, D. G. 2004. Psychology, 7th ed. New York: Worth Publishers.

Nietzsche, F. 1994. On the genealogy of morality, ed. K. Ansell- Pearson. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Ralston, A. 2004. Between a rock and a hard place. New York: Atria Books.

Reilly, R. 2003a. Extreme measures. Sports Illustrated, May 19.

Reilly, R. 2003b. Worth the wait. Sports Illustrated, October 20.

Ressler, R. K., and T. Shachtman. 1992. Whoever fights monsters. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Shakespeare, W. 1996. A midsummer night’s dream, ed. R. Dutton. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

The Shawshank redemption, 142 min., Castle Rock Entertainment, 1994.

Sinetar, M. 1989. Do what you love, the money will follow: Discovering your right livelihood. New York: Dell Publishing.

Skinner, B. F. 1953. Science and human behavior. New York: Macmillan.

Starkes, M. T. 1978. Today’s world religions. New Orleans, LA: Insight Press.

Strachey, J., ed. 1953. The subtleties of a faulty action. In The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud, vol. XXII (1932-1936). London: Hogarth Press.

Teresa, Mother. 1997. Mother Teresa: In my own words, compiled by J. L. Gonzlez. New York: Gramercy Books.

Wrzesniewski, A., C. R. McCauley, P. Rozin, and B. Schwanz. 1997. Jobs, careers, and callings: People’s relations to their work. Journal of Research in Personality 31(1): 21-33.

Max Malikow is an Assistant Professor of Education at Le Moyne College in Syracuse, New York. Among his recent publications are the books Teachers for Lif\e (Rowman and Littlefield 2006) and Profiles in Character (University Press of America 2007). Aside from teaching and authoring, he is a psychotherapist in private practice and serves as a member of the Editorial Review Panel for The Educational Forum, another journal published by Kappa Delta Pi.

Copyright Kappa Delta Pi Spring 2007

(c) 2007 Kappa Delta Pi Record. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Fish Otoliths and Folklore: A Survey

By Duffin, Christopher John

Abstract

The folklore associated with fish otoliths is traced from classical times to the present day for the first time. Otolithomancy involved divination of maritime weather conditions by consulting the properties and morphology of the “stones.” In folk medicine, they were employed in the treatment of renal problems, malarial fever, nose bleeds, jaundice, pain, and swellings in the groin. They were also believed to act as aphrodisiacs. Modern applications include the treatment of urinary tract infections in Turkey, fever in Spain, and asthma and back pain in Brazil.

Introduction

Animal Stones

A brief look at classical literature, especially Pliny’s Natural History, reveals a fascination with stones and concretions, some real but many fabulous, believed to have been produced in the bodies of living organisms (Kunz 1915). Most were credited with amazing powers, depending primarily on sympathetic magic, resulting in a surprising diversity of application, especially in medicine.

While some of these stones are difficult to identify with certainty and have a fairly short literary pedigree, others claim a long publication lineage, sometimes persisting into early modern times. Thus, we have stones such as the Hyaenia (formed in the eye of a hyaena), bezoar, Aetites or the “Eagle stone,” Crab’s eyes, Saurites from the bowels of a green lizard, Kenna or “stag’s tears,” Chelonites from the eye of the turtle, Limaceus (the “snail stone”), Pantheros from the panther, Quirinus from the nest of the Hoopoe or Lapwing, Lyncurius (solidified lynx urine), Chelidonius or swallow stones from the mouths of nestling swallows, and Alectorius (the “cock stone” from the gizzard of a capon). In addition to these is a group of stones believed to have been formed somewhere in the head of the host animal. There is, for example, the Toad Stone or Bufonites (Duffin 2003; 2005), Vulturis from the brain of a vulture, Doriatides from the head of a cat, and Cinaedia (fish otoliths), which form the subject of this paper.

Otoliths

The fish inner ear is, in some ways, similar to that of man (Platt and Popper 1981). There is a complex of three semi-circular canals arranged at right angles to each other in three different planes (Figure 1b). These canals detect turning movements by the fish. Each semi-circular canal is connected at both ends to a balloon-like body, the utriculus, which is the main gravisensory organ. Two further sacs, the sacculus and lagena, complete the sensory complement of the membranous labyrinth, and are concerned mainly with sound detection. The sensory functions of the inner ear complex are maintained by the interactions of ciliated epithelia with calcareous structures called otoliths. Each of the three chambers of the labyrinth contains its own distinct otolith; in order of decreasing size, the saccular otolith is called the sagitta, the utricular otolith is the lapillus, and the lagenar otolith is known as the asteriscus. There is a complex of three semi- circular canals arranged at right angles to each other in three different planes (Figure 1a, 1b). Each individual fish will therefore possess a total of six otoliths, with the exception of hagfishes, which have only two, and lampreys, which have four. Sharks and rays do not possess otoliths at all. Instead, they have small calcareous staticonia that may be loosely aggregated and resemble a cluster of sand grains.

Otoliths have a distinctive morphology that is taxonomically useful; it is possible to identify fishes to species level by means of otoliths. This has proved useful, for example, in reconstructing diets from the stomach contents of marine carnivores such as seals, and food preferences of earlier cultures from midden contents. Each otolith is composed of the mineral aragonite together with a small amount of organic material. It grows incrementally, which means that age data can be obtained for the parent fish. Although stable, aragonite may convert to its polymorph, calcite, which renders it very durable under conditions of burial. Indeed, otoliths have proved to be important biostratigraphic tools in geology (Nolf 1985).

Classical Records

The ancient Greek philosopher and polymath, Aristotle (384-22 BC), was a prolific writer. Included amongst his works is his History of Animals, a treatise of ten books that is concerned largely with long descriptions of animal habits and anatomy. In this volume he introduces the idea that certain fish have a cranial sensory system, at the centre of which lies a stone (B. viii. c. 19; Thompson 1910; Balme 1991):

Fishes do not thrive in cold places, and those fishes suffer most in severe winters that have a stone in their head, as the chromis, the basse, the sciaena, and the braize; for owing to the stone they get frozen with the cold, and are thrown up on shore (Thompson 1910).

This idea is repeated by Plinius Secundus (23-79 AD), famous victim of the eruption of Vesuvius. Pliny amassed a huge quantity of colloquial belief and local lore in rather a hodge-podge fashion in his monumental Natural History. Book 9, 24 records:

All fish have a presentiment of a rigorous winter, but more especially those which are supposed to have a stone in the head, the lupus, for instance, the chromis, the sciaena, and the phagrus. (Rackham 1947, 201).

Elsewhere in the same work, Pliny also indicates that the fishes called Bacchus (32:32; Jones 1963, 527), Asellus (32:38; Jones 1963, 533), Cinaedius (37:56; Jones 1963, 289) and Synodus (37:67; Eicholtz 1962, 313-supposedly found in the brain) also possess stones in the head. Thus, in all, classical writers identified at least nine different food fishes as possessing stones in the head. The identity of these fish is of some interest. [1]

Folklore Applications

Pliny goes on to associate a number of the stones with cures for specific maladies. For example, the “pebbles” in the fish Bacchus “are excellent treatment for the stone” (32:32; Jones 1963, 527), referring to urinary calculi-either kidney stones or bladder stones (or both). Those found at the full moon in the head of Asellus were “tied on the patient in a linen cloth” (32:38; Jones 1963, 533) as a cure for recurrent fevers.

Cinaedia gets the most detailed comment, however, with a double entry:

“Cinaediae” or “cinaedius stones” are white, oblong stones found in the brain of the fish so named. They have a remarkable effect if only we can believe the statement that they predict conditions at sea, foretelling mist or calm as the case may be (37: LVI, 153; Eichholz 1962, 289).

Lizards too are employed in several ways for eye remedies. Some shut up a green lizard in new earthenware, and with them the pebbles called cinaedia, which are used as amulets for swellings on the groin, mark them with nine marks and take away one daily; on the ninth day they set the lizard free, but keep the pebbles for pains in the eyes (29:130; Jones 1963, 265).

The use of otoliths in Roman times seems to be supported by archaeological evidence. Piques reports the discovery of a thirty millimetre long by fifteen millimetre wide right sagitta belonging to Argyrosomus regius, the Meagre, discovered at the excavations of the Roman Baths at Barzan Charente-Maritime, France (Piques 2003, 503). Argyrosomus is a large (up to 230cm long) marine perciform fish that is still fished commercially, found in inshore and shelf waters of the Eastern Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. The otolith from Barzan probably came from a 200 cm long individual, and appears to have been worked for incorporation into a housing, perhaps ultimately for use as a pendant. Piques notes that otoliths of the European Sea Bass (Dicentrarchus labrax), sometimes elevated to the status of semi-precious stones as “Perles de maigre,” are mounted in a gold band and worn in modern Spain as pendants or on buckles as an anti-febrile prophylactic (Piques 2003, 505).

Compared with other stones believed to be of animal origin, the Cinaedius has a relatively sparse representation in older literature; it does not appear in Anglo-Saxon Laeceboc or in the lapidaries of mediaeval scholars such as Hildegard of Bingen, Marbode of Rennes and Albertus Magnus. The only record I have been able to find from this period is a brief mention by Saint Isidore (570-636 AD), Bishop of Seville, who refers to the ability of the stone to predict the faces of the sea (Lindsay 1911, Liber XVI Caput X, De Candidis 8). [2] Piques proposes the interesting hypothesis that the morphology of the convex outer surface of the otolith might have been the focus of maritime meteorological divination; a roughened area occupying about one-third of the surface area of the lapillus bears a resemblance to the waves on the surface of the sea (Piques 2003, 506). John Jonstonus, however, states that the prediction of storms or calm at sea is a function of “their troubled or peaceable colour” (Jonstonus 1657, 114).

The first incunabular record of the cynaedius is found in the Hortus Sanitatis or “Garden of Health,” published in several editions from around 1483 (De Cuba 1496, leaf Xii verso). Here, a delightful woodcut shows a man collecting shellfish and possibly pearls on the seashore (Figure 2). A conveniently placed, beached fish has the position of the otolith clearly marked by a cranial swelling.

In the ap\proximately contemporary Peterborough Lapidary, otolithomancy has been subtly replaced by the ability of the stone to protect the bearer both at sea and on land:

Cymydia is a stone, & he is found in ye hedd of a fisch; & is longe stone & a wyght. If a man bereth him in his mowthe ther schall no tempest in water do him harme neder by lond, ne he schall neuer be scomfited in were (Evans 1932, 78).

Camillus Leonardus, physician to Caesar Borgia, finds that there are actually three “Cimedia”:

there are two found in the Head, and a third near the third Joint of the Backbone, towards the Tail; it is round, and of the Length of seven Fingers. Its broad Head being put before the Light, the Spine appears within. Magicians say, that their Virtue is to foretell the Calms and Storms of the Sea and Air. If taken in Drink they excite Luxury in the Day (Leonardus 1502, leaf XXVIII verso; 1750, 89).

The length estimate seems to refer to the whole fish rather than the otolith. The property of exciting “Luxury” is an archaism reflecting aphrodisiac qualities; the owner will be prone to lechery or lust.

Leonardus further extends the list of fishes yielding cranial stones by noting that the “Corvina” is found in the head of the “Cabot” (Bull-Head or Miller’s Thumb-Cottus gobio; Linnaeus 1758)

… and there are always two. The Colour of it is a darkish white, with an oblong crooked Figure in one part, and in the other concave, with a little rising in the Middle. It is extracted while the Fish is yet panting, in the Increase of the Moon, and in the Month of May. Being carried in such a Manner as it may touch the Flesh, it cures the Gripes [a spasm of pain]; and being bruised and taken, it has the same Effect (Leonardus 1750, 89).

This is the only record where such a precise collection time must be strictly adhered to in order to preserve the efficacy of the stone, but recalls similar restrictions imposed on the collecting of the ovum anguinum (at least some of which were fossil echinoids) and the toadstone (fossil fish teeth belonging to the genus Lepidotes). “Bruising” the stone refers to it being pounded and grated in order to provide a powder, which, at least in the case of other mineral materials, was often taken as a draught dissolved in water, milk, wine, beer or various herbal “Waters.” He also notes that the:

Aquilinus, a Lymphatic, is found in a certain Fish, and is beneficial to the Life of Man. For being hung about the Neck, or otherwise carried, it drives off and takes away the Miseries of Quartan Ague (Leonardus 1750, 74).

The Quartan Ague refers to a type of malaria in which a fever recurs every fourth day.

Encelius (1517-83) (Latinised form of Christoph Entzelt) introduces the Lapis Carpionis or Carpstone as a medicinal aid in “colic passion,” and the Gemmae Percae for urinary calculus (Encelius 1557, 217-218; see also Baccii 1603, 218). The carp referred to here is probably Cyprinus carpio carpio (Linnaeus 1758), the Common carp (Order Cypriniformes, Family Cyprinidae), growing to 120 cm long, and found in turbid freshwater.

Robert Lovell further expands the diversity of fish species known to yield cranial stones, noting that Coracinus (“Crowfish”) stones:

… help the nephritick pain or collick, and the jaundice. They help the stone of the reines, by drying up the phlegme, or dryving it out by its weight, like the Jews or Lynces Stone (Lovell 1661a, 193).

The Jews Stone mentioned in the passage refers to the spines of the Jurassic fossil echinoid, Balanocidaris, which were used extensively in the treatment of urinary calculi (Duffin 2006). Similarly, “Lynces Stone,” believed to be the petrified urine of the European Lynx has variously been interpreted as amber or a variety of the mineral tourmaline (Pliny Natural History 36; Ovid Metamorphoses 15, 413-415; Watson 1760, 396; Kunz 1913, 295; Jones 1963; Eicholtz 1967, 108; Melville 1987, 364; Duffin 2006). Fossil belemnites were certainly identified as Lynx stones in the medicine cabinets of Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753), whose collections formed the core of the British Museum, and the Parisian apothecary Pierre Pomet (1658-99), again for the treatment of urinary problems.

Furthermore, Lovell cites the Perch Stone as helping “the stone in the reines [kidneys], and other pungent griefes in the sides,” while the stone obtained from the Scorpion Fish “helps the stone, So their ashes.” Stones from the skull of the Tench (Tinea tinea) have similar properties to those of the Carp, those from the Umber “help the collick,” and those from the Mullet “help against the Nephritick passion” (renal colic).

Lemnius (1658) notes that many species of fish have “exceeding hard stones in their heads” and that:

… bruised and given in wine, [they] ease the cholick, and break the stone of the reins, not onely by their weight and heavinesse, as some think, but by an imbred property, whereby they discusse and dissipate the collection of humours. The triangular stone of a carp powdred, will stop the blood that runs out of the nostrills, by its great astriction, which you may perceive also by tast (Lemnius 1658, 139).

The property of assuaging haemorrhage is repeated for the Carp Stone by Lovell (1661b, 103).

Thus having become established in the literature through the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, a number of authors reiterate the supposed benefits of the stones, particularly the Perch Stone and the Carp Stone (for example, Nicols 1652, 176; Culpeper 1657, Book III, Title II, Articles I, IV, III, 5, 10 [page 4] and 8, Point 1 [page 36]; Charleton 1668, 256; Langius 1708, 59, 51; Hahnemann 1793-99, vol. 1 part 1, 178, vol. 1 part 2, 472-3, and vol. 2 part 1, 192). Quoting Nicholas Monardes (1493-1588), Culpeper introduces stones from the head of a shark under the name “Tiburones”:

In the Indian sea are caught fish, called Tiburones, being great, strong, fighting fish, and of a terrible aspect, which daily fights with the Sea Wolves; in their heads is found three or four Stones, and sometimes more, very white, great and heavy; so that sometimes one of them weighs two pound; the powder of them cureth the Stone in the Reins and Bladder, and difficulty of Urine, and is of no taste at all (Culpeper 1659, 271).

Lovell (1661b, 98) confirms their application to urinary problems, while Sloane remarks that “The Stones in the Head of this fish are good for those who cannot make water, and for pain in the Liver” (Sloane 1725, 23). Indeed, one of the four existing drawers from Hans Sloane’s medicine cabinet includes an unidentified otolith in one of its compartments (Figure 3).

The first illustrations of otoliths appears to be those by Gesner (1565-66) (Figure 4). The transition from folklore to science was, however, the result of a closely focused review by Klein (1740). Following a survey of hearing in fishes, Klein goes on to assert that three pairs of otoliths, or “ichthyoliths” as he refers to them, are the norm for a wide variety of fishes including sharks (Klein 1740, 10), and gives figures of a range of examples.

The eighteenth-century enlightenment, both with respect to the nature and origin of fish otoliths and the subsequent progressive demythologising of medicinal simples and pharmaceutical items, did not bring fully to a close their use in folk medicine. Although records are sparse, it is obvious that some cultures still utilise otoliths in a pharmaceutical capacity today. Mention has already been made of their use as protective amulets against fever in Spain (Piques 2003, 505). In Turkey, otoliths from the marine perciform Sciaena umbra (Linnaeus 1758)-the Brown Meagre-are finely ground and used as a remedy for urinary tract infections (Frimodt 1995). The same is also true of fishing communities in Iceland during the recent past (pers. comm. Tordur Tmasson 2006). The fishing community of Siribinha Beach, Bahia, Brazil utilise the otoliths of the ocean- dwelling sciaenid perciform, Micropogonias furnieri (Desmarest 1823), or the Whitemouth Croaker. The fishermen boil the otoliths in order to produce a tea, which they then drink in the belief that it provides protection against stings by the same fish (Costa-Neto 2000,3). Fishery reports, however, record universally that the Croaker is harmless. A further application in Brazil involves Barra (near San Francisco, State of Bahia) fishermen roasting the Croaker otoliths, which are then finely ground and the resulting powder dispersed in warm water. The ensuing draught is then used to treat those suffering from asthmatic and urinary problems. Alternatively, the otolith is carried inside a pocket in the clothing in order to ward off and treat back pain (Costa-Neto, Dias and de Melo 2002, 568). Furthermore, during the seventeenth century, Brazilian witch doctors used otoliths both as magic tools and medicines to treat kidney stones (Costa-Neto, Dias and de Melo 2002, 568).

A summary of the uses of otoliths according to classical, late mediaeval and renaissance folklore is presented in Table 1.

The question arises of whether otoliths have any scientifically proven health benefit to the consumer. I am not aware of any empirical data relating to either positive or negative effects as a result of being treated with otoliths. Urinary calculi are usually composed of either calcium oxalate or, less commonly, the mineral struvite, a hydrated ammonia-magnesian phosphate (Parmar 2004). Kidney stones begin to grow as a consequence of the crystallisation of calcium phosphate (apatite) nuclei by nanobacteria-tiny, intracellular bacteria infecting the kidney tissues. There are many risk factors involved in further concentric growth of the stones, ranging from dietary considerations to variations in renal physiology and the natural balance between intrinsic stone promoters and inhibitors in the cells (Parmar 2004,1420). It could, of course, be argued that the treatment of urinary calculi by otolith ingestion w\as iatrogenic-a case of the supposed cure initiating the disease. Otoliths are calcareous in composition, and their consumption might be expected to raise the calcium levels in body fluids, which could, in turn, exacerbate stone development. On the one hand, otoliths, which range in size up to about one and a half centimetres, would obviously elevate dietary calcium levels. On the other hand, a wide range of intrinsic and other extrinsic factors also have a bearing on the development of urinary concretions. It is doubtful that otolith ingestion was a powerful iatrogenic factor, but its significance might increase when combined with, say, changes in the composition or volume of drinking water, excessive loss of body fluids (e.g. by sweating in hot climatic conditions), and disruptions to kidney and parathyroid metabolism.

Conclusions

Otoliths, the “stones” found in the heads of fishes, were used in folk medicine and meteorological divination from classical times to the mid-eighteenth century, when their appreciation was put on a more scientific footing. They were used in the treatment of a range of diseases including urinary problems, particularly kidney and bladder stones, malaria, jaundice, fever, liver complaints and haemorrhaging, especially from the nose. Certain modern communities still utilise fish otoliths in order to give protection against fever, stings from fishes and in the treatment of infections of the urinary tract.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the Wellcome Library for access to the many volumes consulted in the preparation of this paper, and for permission to reproduce the figures from Gesner (1565-66) and de Cuba (1483). Adrienne Mayor made a number of helpful suggestions at the review stage. Cristina Lerner-Noy and Martha Richter kindly helped to clarify the author’s inferences from texts written in Portuguese. Tordur Tomasson of Skogar discussed aspects of Icelandic folklore with the author.

Notes

[1] The identities of some of the fishes mentioned in classical texts are:

1. The “Lupus” (Wolfperches in German) is probably Dicentrarchus labrax (Linnaeus 1758)-the European Sea Bass. A common food fish, this marine perciform actinopterygian (Family Moronidae) grows to over one metre in length and weighs up to twelve kilograms (Fiedler 1991).

2. “Chromis” is most likely the marine sciaenid perciform, Sciaena umbra (Linnaeus 1758), commonly known as the Brown Meagre. This might well also be the identity of “Sciaena.” This fish reaches lengths of seventy centimetres.

3. “Bacchus” is generally identified as one of the aselli, a Grey Mullet, perhaps Mugil mabrosus or Mugil cephalus (Linnaeus 1758) (Perciformes, Family Mugilidae), the Flathead Mullet (up to 120cm long and weighing up to twelve kilograms).

4. Asellus itself is generally taken to include the European Hake, Merluccius merluccius (Linnaeus 1758) (Order Gadiformes, Family Merlucciidae), plus possibly Phycis phycis (Linnaeus 1766) (Mediterranean Hake or Forkbeard) and P. blennioides (Brunnich 1768), the Fork-beard Hake or Greater Forkbeard.

5. Claudius Aelianus (On the Characteristics of Animals Oi. 7; see Aelian 1959) (c. 175-235) suggested that “Cinaedius” might be the Bass, and thus synonymous with Lupus.

6. “Synodus,” a name indicating direct opposition of teeth in the upper and lower dentitions during occlusion, probably refers to a sea bream, possibly Sparus aurata (Linnaeus 1758), the Gilthead Sea Bream (Perciformes, Family Sparidae), or Pagellus bogaraveo (Brnnich 1768), the Blackspot Sea Bream, both species reaching a length of around seventy centimetres and a weight of around twelve kilograms. Note, however, that the members of the Family Synodontidae are the Lizard fishes or Javelin fishes.

[2] “Cinaedia invenitur in cerebro piscis eiusdem nominis, Candida et oblcmga. Praesagare his ferunt maris signa tranquillitatis vel tempestatis” (Lindsay 1911, Liber XVI Caput X, De Candidis 8).

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Biographical Note

Following a Geology Degree, Chris Duffin gained a PhD in Vertebrate Palaeontology and Comparative Anatomy at University College London in 1980. He has published over eighty palaeontological papers and contributions to books, mostly on fossil fishes. He is currently researching the folklore of fossils, particularly their use in folk medicine from classical to early modern times. Working as a school-teacher, he is Head of Biology, Head of Critical Thinking, and Deputy Head of Sixth Form at Streatham and Clapham High School.

Copyright Taylor & Francis Ltd. Apr 2007

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Food Choice, Symbolism, and Identity: Bread-and-Butter Issues for Folkloristics and Nutrition Studies (American Folklore Society Presidential Address, October 2005)

By Jones, Michael Owen

Research on food abounds, from the history of differing types of fare to the relationship between provisioning and culture, gender roles, and eating disorders. In disciplines concerned with health and nutrition, few studies focus on the metaphorical aspects of alimentation; while many ethnographic works do deal with the symbolic nature of gastronomy, they tend to emphasize eating as commensality and food as an expression of identity in ethnic, regional, and religious groups. Symbolic discourse involving cuisine is pervasive and complex, however, manifesting itself in a wide variety of contexts and exhibiting multiple meanings that may be ambiguous, conflicting, or pernicious. Understanding how messages are conveyed through culinary behavior requires an examination not only of victuals but also of the preparation, service, and consumption of food-for all are grist for the mill of symbolization. Here, I bring together a number of ideas about the iconic nature of cooking and eating: what is fodder for symbol creation, how and why meanings are generated, and what some of the effects of food- related representations are. I also problematize identity as it relates to food. My goal is to suggest directions for future research on foodways as well as applications in fields concerned with nutrition education, counseling, and dietary change.

One could not stand and watch [the slaughtering] very long without becoming philosophical, without beginning to deal in symbols and similes, and to hear the hog-squeal of the universe.

-Upton Sinclair, The Jungle

My points are simply stated. First, not only particular foodstuffs but also the procuring, preparing, and consuming of provisions figure largely in symbolic discourse regarding identity, values, and attitudes. Second, people have multiple identities- ethnic, regional, gendered, or classed, which have dominated inquiry, but also many others that rarely have been examined-and these identities are dynamic, subject to challenge and change through the life course. Third, eating practices reproduce as well as construct identity; in addition, both identity and alimentary symbolism, not just taste or availability or cost, significantly affect food choice. Finally, nutrition educators and counselors would benefit from drawing upon ethnographic investigations of the meanings of food in their efforts to design dietary programs, while folklorists should consider adding practical applications of foodways research to their plate.

When I began teaching a course on foodways in 1974, I was intrigued with not only the social dimension of gastronomy-the group customs and traditions associated with food-but also the importance of sensory experiences in determining individuals’ eating habits (Jones, Giuliano, and Krell 1981); this includes disgust (Jones 2000b) as well as the effects of sensory deprivation, such as my mother’s loss of her sense of smell from head injuries suffered in an auto accident (Jones 1987). Particularly appetizing, because of its richness and complexity, was the symbolic realm of foodways: why are cooking and eating imbued with special meanings, how are they related to individuals’ multiple identities, and how do these idioms and ideologies affect food choice? I wondered, too, how folklore studies of the social, sensory, and symbolic might contribute to nutrition programs and counseling.

Existing methods provide limited guidance for understanding some of these matters. The typical nutrition research is experimental or quantitative; little involves qualitative, ethnographic techniques.1 Investigations of food likes and dislikes, for example, tend to follow a set recipe of questions concerning an experimenter- generated list of food items (meat, pasta, carrots, etc.) from which respondents select those they prefer or dislike and choose from a list of possible reasons. As Letarte, Dub, and Troche have acknowledged (1997:116), rarely do researchers take into account the way that food is prepared, the context of eating, or the associations attributed to food, people, and events (Choo 2004). Consider President George H. W. Bush’s disgust at broccoli because his mother always overcooked it, one person’s aversion to spinach for “it looks like hair in a shower drain,” or the young woman who abhors onions because their smell hung on the breath of her stepfather who molested her as a child.

Conceptions of social actors and situations are frequently narrow. Only a few years ago did researchers think of domestic arrangements as sites of consumption involving other than nuclear families (Valentine 1999), finally acknowledging widowed, single- parent, gay or lesbian, and reconstituted households (after divorce and remarriage; see Burgoyne and Clarke 1983). Few works concern childhood traditions (Dyson- Hudson and Van Dusen 1972; Huneven 1984; Widdowson 1975, 1981), the symbolic expression of values in socializing children through food (Bossard 1943; Ochs, Pontecorvo, and Fasulo 1996), or children’s agency as an important ingredient in food preparation and consumption in the home (Bisogni et al. 2002). Rarely does research take into account the extent to which “[t]he timing, seating arrangements, and dispensing protocol of a meal reflect ideas regarding role allocations, gender orientation, social order, status, and control” (Whitehead 1984:104). Who prepares the food, serves it, and cleans up; where people take their meals; the shape of a table; and who sits where and talks about what-all these convey roles, values, and ideas about gender, hierarchy, and power.

Medical and nutritional literature often pathologizes behavior, labeling other people’s food habits “odd dietary practices” (Edwards, McSwain, and Haire 1954) or “abnormal” (Callahan 2003) and a serious “problem” (Federman, Kirsner, and Federman 1997:209). Geophagy (literally, the eating of earth) is often translated as the unappetizing “dirt eating” (Dickens and Ford 1972; Gardner and Tevetog?lu 1957; Reid 1992). Long-standing but seldom questioned explanations of the “disease” range from insanity to depression, iron deficiency, and hookworm (Callahan 2003; Twyman 1971). Geophagy is more properly referred to as eating clay (particularly kaolin), for that is what people typically consume (Grigsby et al. 1999). Some Native Americans used clay to detoxify foodstuffs, people worldwide and through time have seasoned dishes with it, Siberian tribesmen ate it like modern Americans eat candy, and ceramicists frequently taste clay to determine its texture (Callahan 2003; Johns 1986; Solien 1954). Americans take kaolin in Kaopectate to treat diarrhea and consume calcium carbonate when they chew on Rolaids or swallow Maalox to relieve indigestion, thus practicing “a form of geophagy every time they take an antacid or an antidiarrhea medication” (Henry and Kwong 2003:367). Some clay has appealing sensory qualities. One person told me: “I ate clay because I had seen my mother and cousins doing it. The taste was pleasing and I enjoyed it. I used to eat clay back home. I love it. I wish I had some now. It tastes sort of sour. It’s good: clay from the sides of the river. I’d just get a spoon and eat a couple of spoonfuls. It was sort of soft, like peanut butter, and it tasted good.” Slaves ingested clay as a statement of protest, and some people in the South consider it a “woman’s dish” and a symbol of womanhood (Twyman 1971). It has a desirable texture and taste, chewing it provides oral gratifi- cation, it produces saliva and stimulates the appetite, and although some dirt can pose a health threat, the consumption of clay might well have beneficial consequences for the immune system (Callahan 2003).

Another bone of contention is that only a few identities have been researched in either nutritional or ethnographic literature. Most investigations concern ethnic, regional, and religious identification; folkloristic studies have been more cognizant than most fields of the complexity of culture, the creative uses of ethnicity (Camp 1989; Kalc?ik 1984; Rikoon 1982; Stern 1977, 1991), and the symbolic display of group identity through food and festive events (see essays in Brown and Mussell 1984 and Humphrey and Humphrey 1988). But too many works ignore intracultural variation in values and eating behavior as well as food consumption among those who affiliate with multiple groups or who embody multiethnic identities, such as “Cuban Jewish Women in Miami” (Wartenberg 1994) or the man whose father was from Jamaica and mother was an African American, who grew up in a Latino community in New York, and who married a Dominican (Devine et al. 1999:89). In fact, individuals draw upon many sources of self-image that influence their “personal food system” (Smart and Bisogni 2001), such as gender, age, family, occupation, class, body types, personality traits, recreational activities, and state of health-any or all of which may take precedence over ethnic or regional associations (Bisogni et al. 2002). In addition, while some identities (along with meanings given to food) persist, others change over one’s “life course” (Devine et al. 1999:88).

Except for inquiries into the relationship of f\ood to culture (usually national or ethnic), symbolism is relegated to the back burner. When paid attention to, the symbolic is typically restricted to foodstuffs or ceremonial and celebratory occasions involving consumption as commensality. But symbolic discourse utilizing food is more pervasive and complex, and it involves more processes in a wider variety of circumstances and with more diverse meanings than is generally discussed.

Human beings feed on metaphors as ways of talking about something else: we hunger for, cannibalize, spice it up, sugar coat, hash things out, sink our teeth into, and find something difficult to swallow or hard to digest so we cough it up and then have a bone to pick with someone, which is their just desserts (see also Mason 1982; Morton 2005). Terms of endearment partake of the gastronomic: sugar, honey, pumpkin, cupcake, sweetie pie, or “my little kumquat,” in the words of W. C. Fields. Foodstuffs inform descriptions of people: a ham, nut, or tomato with peaches-and-cream complexion, cauliflower ears, and potato-masher nose who pigs out when not hot dogging like a pea-brained turkey. There’s a bountiful array of proverbs and proverbial expressions, such as you can catch more flies with honey than with vinegar, you reap what you sow, cast your bread upon the waters and it will return to you a thousandfold, you can’t have your cake and eat it too, half a loaf is better than none, man does not live by bread alone, variety is the spice of life, too many cooks spoil the broth, a watched pot never boils, out of the frying pan and into the fire, there’s many a slip ‘twixt the cup and the lip, watch your Ps and Qs (pints and quarts), you are what you eat, one man’s meat is another man’s poison, and an apple a day keeps the doctor away.2 In other words, as Lvi-Strauss said, “Food is not only good to eat, but also good to think with” (quoted in MacClancy 1992:2).

“I wanted to live deep and suck out all the marrow of life,” wrote Henry David Thoreau in Walden: On Life in the Woods, explaining his quest for nutriment beyond the physical ([1854] 1971:91; quoted in Adams and Adams 1990:244). More pointedly, Rosalind Russell proclaimed in Auntie Mame (da Costa 1958), “Life is a banquet and most poor suckers are starving to death. So live, live, live!” The omnipresent role of food in communication and interaction as metaphor or other symbolic form should come as no surprise, given the fact that we experience food on a daily basis from birth to death (Caspar 1988). We eat several times a day, and we often do so in social settings, which therefore generates associations between food and people (Humphrey 1988; MacClancy 1992; van Gelder 1982). Few activities involve so many senses: we hear stomach rumblings and suffer hunger pangs; see the food, smell it, and salivate in anticipation of eating it; sense its weight and density as we lift it on a utensil; and feel its heat or coldness as it enters the mouth. We detect an item’s sweet, sour, salty, bitter, spicy, or bland qualities on the tongue. We enjoy the feeling of satiety after consuming food while also perceiving renewed physical and mental energy. As Oscar Wilde remarked, “After a good dinner, one can forgive anybody, even one’s relatives” (quoted in Chalmers 1994:147). Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin wrote in The Physiology of Taste, or Meditations on Transcendental Gastronomy that “The pleasures of the table are for every man, of every land, and no matter of what place in history or society; they can be a part of all his other pleasures, and they last the longest, to console him when he has outlived the rest” ([1825] 1926:3). Or as Garrison Keillor put it, “Sex is good, but not as good as fresh sweet corn” (quoted in Chalmers 1994:117).

In this essay I focus on the symbolic nature of gastronomy, for as Margaret Visser writes, “Food is never just something to eat” (1986:12). I am concerned with what is fodder for symbol creation, some of the ways in which people express a wide variety of identities through food in different settings, and how studies of food symbolism can be applied to such endeavors as nutrition education, the planning of special diets, and the treatment or prevention of certain diseases. In this case, “food” consists of not just items but also the preparation, service, and consumption of foodstuffs (part of the larger concept of “foodways”; see Anderson 1971; Camp 1989; Cussler and De Give 1952:49-50; Long 1998; Yoder 1972)-for all lend themselves to the process of symbolization.3 Meanings may change from one situation to another, through time, and over one’s life, further complicating matters. The first section of this essay dwells on food symbolism, the second considers identity in relation to food, and the third discusses applications of research in regard to nutritional concerns.

Mulling Over the Language of Food

Like an additional flavor, meanings are carried with food.

-David Mas Masumoto, “Gochisoo and Brown Rice Sushi”

Dictionaries define symbol as a visible sign of something invisible, as an idea, a quality: one thing stands for, represents, or re-presents another. In 1944 Ernst Cassirer wrote that “instead of defining man as an animal rationale, we should define him as an animal symbolicum” (26). As Raymond Firth noted three decades later, human beings do not live by symbols alone, but they certainly order and interpret their reality, and even reconstruct it, through symbols (1973:20).

“Symbols are created and recreated whenever human beings vest elements of their world with a pattern of meaning and significance which extends beyond its intrinsic content,” write Morgan, Frost, and Pondy. “Any object, action, event, utterance, concept or image offers itself as raw material for symbol creation, at any place, and at any time” (1983:4-5; emphasis added). This is particularly so in regard to food and eating. Items of food may be imbued with special significance, be it Maine lobster (Lewis 1989, 1990) or Indian frybread (Welsch 1971), along with cuisines such as “soul food” (Joyner 1971; Poe 1999) and “Cajun cooking” (Gutierrez 1992). Even the physical characteristics of a foodstuff can be emblematic. For example, in 1972-73 the American Food for Peace Program sent yellow corn from the United States to Botswana for distribution in schools as drought relief. Shamed and humiliated by the tons of yellow grain given them as food, secondary school students in Serowe rioted, burning the headmaster’s car and destroying stockpiles of it. Only white maize is fit for human consumption; yellow is fed to animals (Grivetti et al. 1987:269). In another instance (Dresser 1999), the absence of a dish on the menu caused consternation. The food manager- dietitian at a Maryland correctional facility with a large African American population planned a Thanksgiving meal consisting of turkey, yams, macaroni and cheese, collard greens, and corn bread. Inmates angrily confronted the servers behind bulletproof glass, demanding, “Where’s the sauerkraut?” Years earlier, institution workers who commuted from Pennsylvania had introduced the pickled cabbage as a side dish. A regional food was incorporated into an ethnic cuisine and became associated with a national holiday. Its absence at mealtime left people feeling deprived and bereft. Even utensils may be iconic for some eaters. In the newsletter American Food & Wine, John Thorne interprets the fork as a “claw” with “long sharp nails” and hence “an unconscious emblem of the hunt. . . . [A]s coda, consider the fork in relation to the chopstick. . . . Of the two, the fork is the arrogant one, for it imperiously seizes where the other only plucks. But chopsticks are by far the more sensual instrument, delicately sexual in the gentle but urgent tugging of morsel after morsel out of the savory mess. . . . [W]here the skewering fork ensures yet again each morsel’s death, chopsticks tenderly grasp and deposit it, still pulsating with metaphoric life, into the waiting mouth” (1987:1-2).

People define events through food. “Some habits never change: a hot dog on a stick at the beach, hot chocolate at the ice skating rink, and popcorn at the movies,” one of my students once said. Although fraught with meaningfulness, such food choices may have unpleasant consequences. A friend of mine always eats Dodger Dogs at baseball games in Los Angeles. He does not like them, he eats too many, and he feels sick later, but he insists that it’s not a Dodger game without the hot dogs. Events marked by food-such as family reunions, special Sunday dinners, or holiday meals- are often problematic for people with diabetes or hypertension, whose dietary needs make them feel excluded (Broom and Whittaker 2004; James 2004).

For some, food identifies place, from region to city to small town or neighborhood: for instance, pasties in Michigan’s Upper Peninsula (Lockwood and Lockwood 1991), Cincinnati chili in Ohio (Lloyd 1981), and a giant hamburger in the little berg of Harrison, Nebraska (population 360), where Delores Wasserburger of Sioux Sundries serves up twenty-eight-ounce cheeseburgers with a bag of potato chips. She began eighteen years earlier when a rancher, Bill Coffee, brought in a few ranch hands and asked for a large hamburger. That was when Wasserburger whipped up her first Coffee Burger. Since then, the diner has been featured on the Food Network and has been visited by tourists from around the world (see “Giant Hamburger” 1989). Food may also “make” place, as it did for Japanese Americans in internment camps during World War II who reterritorialized their surroundings by using mess halls, gardens, hot plates in living quarters, tofu-producing facilities, and memories of food as “spaces” in which to expand political activity and create collective identities (Dusselier 2002).

Often food is invested with emotion (Babcock 1948; Choo 2004; Dusselier 2002). “I have a sense of well-\being when I eat any kind of meal on a special occasion,” one person told me. “The well-being is generated by enjoyment of the people I am with. I have a sense of well-being when I eat oatmeal. I am sure this feeling is associated with TV commercials about Quaker’s oats in which oatmeal is synonymous with motherhood.” Not surprisingly, therefore, food consoles, as it did actor Ed Asner, who carried candy bars in his pocket during his childhood because he had to go to Hebrew school instead of playing baseball with other boys, or as it does for all those actresses on television shows who dig into a quart of ice cream when they are depressed. “Food is a friend, a consolation, a hobby, a companion,” remarked a female college student (quoted in Counihan 1999:120). People use food as a reward and withhold it as a punishment (Fuchs 1989). They give food as an expression of sympathy and support when a friend is ill or suffers a death in the family (Knutson 1965:134). In Up a Country Lane Cookbook, for instance, Evelyn Birkby includes a recipe for Mabel Lewis’s Jell-O dish (pineapple and grapes in red gelatin with whipped topping): “This was truly a comfort salad, for Mabel always took this to a family at the time of serious problems” (Huneven 1994:H11; for the symbolic significance of Jell-O, see Newton 1992). Birkby also comments that “We learned, during those long, painful days that the quiet offer of food provided sustenance for our bodies and comfort for our aching hearts, as our family weathered the terrible storm of our daughter’s death” (quoted in Huneven 1994:H11). Sometimes people transfer to food their emotions regarding others: “I always have an upset stomach when we eat at my mother-in-law’s; there’s something about the way she cooks-it doesn’t matter what it is-that just doesn’t agree with me” (quoted in Moore 1957:79).

Individuals may define themselves by the food they prepare, serve, and consume. “I use the word ‘rich’ to describe the effect I strive for in company meals,” said one of my students. “‘Rich’ to me means abundant, varied, interesting, and aesthetically pleasing. I describe the people whom I want to have as my guests as rich in personality. When I have company, I try to make the meal, the surroundings, and the conversation rich in order to give my guests the impression that I too am a richly interesting person. When I am a guest in another person’s house I evaluate the experience on the basis of its richness: good company, good conversation and abundant food, and aesthetically pleasing surroundings.” Evident in the speaker’s concluding remark is the fact that people may evaluate others on the basis of food.

In social interaction involving food, individuals often make decisions about who they want to appear to be, who they do not want to appear to be, and what the best way to behave is in order to be perceived as they wish. Several studies indicate that people who eat with friends consume more food (especially dessert) than when dining with strangers and that men ingest more than women (Clendenen, Herman, and Polivy 1994; Klesges et al. 1984). Research on female college students demonstrates that being thin and eating lightly function as social indicators of femininity because of their importance in achieving status, popularity, and sexual partners (Mori, Chaiken, and Pliner 1987; see also Bordo 1990, 1998; Brumberg 1988; Counihan 1999; Kreuger 1999). Such impression management is illustrated in Gone with the Wind (1939). Scarlett O’Hara’s servant forces her to choke down pancakes dripping with syrup, yams drenched in butter, and ham swimming in gravy before leaving for the Wilkes barbeque. “Ashley Wilkes told me he liked to see a girl with a healthy appetite,” protests Scarlett. “What gent’mens says an’ what they thinks,” Mammy replies, “is two differ’nt things.” Writing in the 1950s, one researcher notes: “A young woman once remarked that she used to eat a steak at 5 o’clock when she had a dinner date so that she could eat daintily and demurely when she went out. She had a good healthy appetite, but was afraid it would give her boy friends the wrong impression” (Pumpian- Mindlin 1954:579).

While food or its consumption may be intended to signify identity, status, or social relationship, at times people take pains to convey that the meals they serve should not be taken as an expression of feelings toward others. For instance, one individual told me in an interview (in May 1976) that, after having had a trying day she prepared a simple, light repast for guests rather than cooking something elaborate. But then she worried that “they would think that I did not care about them and that they would translate the meal to mean ‘annoyance’ or ‘obligation.’ I apologized frequently for not providing a more interesting dinner, for I feared being judged negatively.”

Many food-derived assessments of people are indeed negative, such as French President Jacques Chirac’s remark about Britain to leaders of Russia and Germany on the eve of the G8 summit in the summer of 2005: “You cannot trust people who have such bad cuisine. It is the country with the worst food after Finland.” In reaction, The Sun declared that Chirac should not “talk crepe” (Symons 2005). Chirac also said unkind things about the Scots’ haggis (composed of cows’ lungs, intestine, pancreas, liver, and heart mixed with onions, suet, and oatmeal stuffed into a sheep’s stomach) as well as the American hamburger. Two years earlier, in this international food fight, cafeterias in the U.S. House of Representatives changed “French fries” to “freedom fries” and “French toast” to “freedom toast” as part of a Republican protest against Chirac’s opposition to the war on Iraq. Renaming items on the menu was “a small but symbolic effort to show the strong displeasure of many on Capitol Hill with the actions of our so-called ally, France,” said Representative Bob Ney (R-Ohio), whose committee was in charge of the eateries (BBC News 2003).4

Food-based slurs not only denigrate others but also dehumanize the Other (Limn 1986), as in such ethnophaulisms (Roback [1944] 1979) for Germans, French, English, and Indochinese as krauts, frogs, limeys, and fish heads, or, along the Texas border (Montao 1997), greaser, chili, pepper belly, taco choker, and beaner aimed at those of Mexican descent. Visceral metaphors that marginalize populations have been employed to promote adverse social policies like the Immigration Acts of 1921 and 1924, which severely restricted the number of people from Southern and Eastern Europe. Foreigners in the United States were described as “indigestible food”-for example, the remark that “the stomach of the body politic” is “filled to bursting with peoples swallowed whole whom our digestive juices do not digest” (O’Brien 2003:36-7). Voicing a common attitude at the time, President General Sarah Mitchell Guernsey of the Daughters of the American Revolution contended that “You can never grow an American soul so long as you use a hyphen. . . . What kind of American consciousness can grow in the atmosphere of sauerkraut and Limburger cheese? Or, what can you expect of the Americanism of the man whose breath always reeks of garlic?” (quoted in Negra 2002:18).

Unsavory though some of these metaphors are, their use suggests an important point for research and application: symbols evoke emotions, act upon opinions, and influence actions. Some years ago Joanne Martin conducted an experiment with students at Stanford University to determine the effectiveness of advertisements for a (nonexistent) California winery (Martin and Powers 1983). Three groups of subjects were presented with information about the company’s winemaking procedures (types of grapes, nature of barrels, source of the grapes in France, the vintner’s name and lineage): one in the form of a story, another as a table of facts and statistics such as that found on the back of a bottle, and the third with a shorter narrative combined with statistics. On retesting several weeks later, those who had heard the story had a markedly greater propensity than the other subjects to remember the product, to believe that the winery used these procedures, and to be attached to this wine-that is, willing to purchase it. Ironically, at the time that they heard the list of statistics, subjects rated that ad as much more persuasive than did those who heard the story; but it was narrating that in fact proved to be much more compelling in shaping belief and behavior.

This is the meat of my argument about symbols, that they are powerful persuaders but are often overlooked or underestimated, particularly in nutrition research. Evoking emotions, they affect perceptions and construct reality. For example, Larry Hirschhorn, a consultant trained in psychodynamics, was asked to facilitate a retreat for senior scientists in a research organization. In a brief conversation the delegate told him that the controller and president were “nickel and diming” the labs to death. Hirschhorn asked about provisions for food. Everyone was to bring a brown bag lunch. He urged the delegate to tell the president that it would be better to provide lunch for the retreat as a symbol of support, but the delegate hesitated, apparently suspecting that the president might not agree. “Puzzled and irritated,” remarks Hirschhorn, “I realized that I was experiencing the same feelings that bothered the scientists of the company.” Retreat participants would be less able to work well if the president did not meet such simple dependency needs as food, and Hirschhorn as a consultant would feel less effective. “So the president, even before I met him and before I even had a contract, was nickel and diming me to death as well!” (Hirschhorn 1988:247-8; see also C. Jones 1988:239).

As noted above, not only a food’s physical traits but also an item’s absence at table, the utensils employed to eat it, the \cuisine of which it is a part, and who provides the dish and in what form may be grist for the mill of symbolization. In addition, the preparation and service of foodstuffs can send signals-for instance, burning dinner as seeming incompetence in order to escape a social role (see Radner and Lanser 1993, especially Marge Percy’s poem “What’s That Smell in the Kitchen?”). Ostensibly occasions to celebrate family unity, holiday meals can become arenas where diners pass hostility rather than bread around the table (a theme in Gurinder Chadha’s movie What’s Cooking?, which is described as “Thanksgiving. A celebration of food, tradition, and relative insanity”). Moreover, the very act of eating conveys meanings. That is, the rules regarding consumption (table manners) comprise “an inventory of symbolic responses that may be manipulated, finessed, and encoded to communicate messages about oneself”; hence, “you are how you eat” (Cooper 1986:184; see also Bronner 1983, 1986:44-55; Siporin 1994; Visser 1991).

As if it were not enough that food defines people, events, and places and serves as a basis for assessing self and others, or that symbols affect opinions, beliefs, perceptions, and actions, food also projects anxieties (see Baer 1982). The sexual dysfunction of men in military boot camp or in other institutional settings is blamed on adulteration of the food with saltpeter (Rich and Jacobs 1973). The Kentucky Fried Rat legend about a couple taking home chicken only to discover that they have been munching on a rodent expresses alarm over the loss of community control by large, impersonal corporations displacing local vendors (Fine 1980). And the rumor that Church’s Fried Chicken is owned by the Ku Klux Klan and contaminates its food with a chemical to sterilize black males projects racial fears (Turner 1987). In recent years bioengineering has spawned symbolic expression (Nerlich and Clarke 2000). The sweet visage of Dolly the cloned sheep was quickly replaced by the face of Frankenstein’s monster, genetically modified produce has been dubbed “frankenfood,” and a rumor spread that the government required Kentucky Fried Chicken to change its name to KFC because a study at the University of New Hampshire had discovered that genetically manipulated organisms rather than real chickens are being used- creatures lacking beaks, feathers, and feet (and in some accounts possessing two breasts and three legs) that are kept alive by the insertion of tubes to pump blood and nutrients into their bodies.

Be they objects, acts, or linguistic formations, symbols “stand ambiguously for a multiplicity of meanings” (Cohen 1976:23). Context, therefore, often determines content; that is, circumstances affect whether or not meaning emerges (Theophano 1991:46) and which messages are conveyed or inferred. Eating everything on one’s plate may appear to be gluttony, or it might mean that one follows the dictum “waste not, want not,” or it might signal that there is an actual scarcity of food or money. Hirschhorn interpreted having a brown bag lunch at the retreat he was to lead as a sign of organizational stinginess, but in other situations it might speak to a desirable informality among participants. Because of the ambiguity or multiple meanings of symbols, an act may be misunderstood. For instance, a youth from Taiwan moved in with an American family to learn English. On Sunday, the hostess prepared a special family meal, setting a beautifully roasted chicken on the table, the neck cavity facing him. He picked at his food and finally said, “It was delicious, and I will leave here just as soon as I find another place to live.” The tradition familiar to him was that when a person is not welcome, the host places a chicken with its head facing the unwanted party (Dresser 1994). Ignorance or transgression of cherished traditions and their meanings can cause large-scale disruption and dissention. After the Marriott Corporation took over food service at Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles, spending $10 million to renovate the concession stands, it steamed many of the three million fans by no longer grilling Dodger Dogs, then by downsizing the double bag of peanuts to a single, next by telling Roger the Peanut Man that he could not hurl peanut bags to customers because of company policy against throwing food, and finally by trying to force employees (including Roger) to continue working during the singing of the “Star-Spangled Banner” (Harris 1991a, 1991b).

People assign meanings to eating what, where, how, when, and with whom (Counihan 1999:114; Tuchman and Levine 1993-1994:385). In the words of Roland Barthes, “Food has a constant tendency to transform itself into situation” (1979:171). Virtually all aspects of foodways are subject to symbolization, from the phenomenon of food itself to production and procurement (Dubisch 1989; Egri 1997; O’Brien 2003); preservation (Martin 1979); planning and structuring meals (Douglas 1972; Douglas and Nicod 1974; Nicod 1979); preparing items (Brown 1981; Cicala 1995; Goldman 1981); patterns of service and presentation (Allison 1997; Graham 1981; Shuman 1981); placement of diners and the nature of their interaction (Bossard 1943; Humphrey 1988; Whitehead 1984); performance of consumption or manners and eating styles (E. Adler 1981; Cooper 1986; Mori, Chaiken, and Pliner 1987); participants in food events (Georges 1984) and their philosophy or beliefs (Devine et al. 1999; Prosterman 1981) as well as their personal food systems (Smart and Bisogni 2001); and even the proscription against food intake as, for example, fasting used for political purposes (Gold and Newton 1998; Levine 1993) and in instances of anorexia. If foodrelated symbolism is complicated, then the relationship between food and identity is no less problematic.

For Whom the Dinner Bell Tolls

I’m Frank Thompson, all the way from “down east.” I’ve been through the mill, ground, and bolted, and come out a regular-built down-east johnny-cake, when it’s hot, damned good; but when it’s cold, damned sour and indigestible-and you’ll find me so.

-Richard Henry Dana, Two Years Before the Mast

The first point about food in relation to identity is that, according to widespread provisioning mythology, many foodstuffs bear the mark of gender, which in turn greatly influences the behavior of people (Adams 1990; Deutsch 2005; Heisley 1990; Moore 1957; Sobal 2005; Twigg 1983; Wilk and Hintlian 2005). For many people in Western society, milk and eggs have feminine associations, as do vegetables that contain seeds (the ovaries of plants) and that are round, smooth, small, soft, sweet, and juicy. Tubers are linked to the masculine; their traits consist of the long, thin, rough, tough, heavy, filling, and strongly flavored. Vivid, bright, warm colors in produce represent the feminine (emotional, expressive) while cool greens and blues betoken the masculine (calm, controlled, i.e., “cool as a cucumber”). In explaining how such associations develop, Marshall Sahlins (1976) suggests that societies seize natural facts, apply them socially, and then reapply them naturally. The metaphor of sweetness, for instance, is employed in socializing women to be supportive and kind; sweet objects subsequently are viewed as feminine (Heisley 1990:23). Although “real men don’t eat quiche,” many in fact do consume milk and eggs as nutrientrich, strength- building foods and perhaps as symbolic domination over women and their reproductive capacity (Heisley 1990:9). Finally, red meat is masculine- as in “he-man food,””hero” sandwiches, and bowls of Campbell’s hearty beef stew referred to as “the manhandlers”-while the more delicate chicken and fish tend toward the feminine.

For centuries red meat has been associated with strength, power, aggression, and sexuality (Adams 1990; Twigg 1983). It is not surprising, then, that Lawry’s Restaurant in Los Angeles sponsors an annual Beef Bowl, coinciding with the Rose Bowl, in which the competing football teams are treated on alternate nights to massive amounts of steak and prime rib, or that there are always several players who vie with one another to consume the most meat. In the 2003 gubernatorial race in California, which brought forth 137 candidates led by upstart Arnold Schwarzenegger against incumbent Gray Davis, Taco Bell announced a poll in which voters would choose their favorite candidate by the type of taco they bought; for example, all-beef crunchy tacos for muscular Schwarzenegger notorious for his macho films or chicken soft tacos for the less- colorful Davis, who lost (Rivenburg 2003). Blood carries aspects of violence, arousal of the passions, and bestiality itself. Ballad publisher Joseph Ritson writes in his Moral Essay upon Abstinence that the “use of animal food disposes man to cruel and ferocious actions,” evident in the fact that the ancient Scythians, “from drinking the blood of their cattle, proceeded to drink that of their enemies,” whereas Hindus, abstaining from meat, are of “gentle disposition” (1802 [2000]:207). Blood appears metaphorically in everyday language: there is noble blood, tainted blood, and a union in blood as well as the thin-bloodedness of the elderly.5 “Spilled blood” refers to a deed of violence, “cold blooded” connotes a merciless act, and “hot blooded” signi- fies anger and impulsiveness (Twigg 1983).

Omnivores are often thought of as aggressive in contrast to the more passive herbivores (Nemeroff and Rozin 1989). Vegetarians all, Voltaire was horrified at the cruel inhumanity of consuming flesh (Spencer 1993:228); Emanuel Swedenborg saw meat eating as a symbol of our fall from grace (Spencer 1993:253); Percy Shelley viewed it as the root of evil and source of disease (Morton 1995); Sylvester Graham, who bequeathed to us whole wheat bread and Graham crackers, railed in the midnineteenth century against meat eating as weakening health and promoting lust (Carson 1969)\; George Bernard Shaw worried that “If I were to eat meat, my evacuations would stink” because an animal’s stench of terror at being slaughtered is conveyed to its flesh and hence to the eater; and John Harvey Kellogg, who invented eighty meatless dishes including corn flakes, lectured in the 1870s on the theory of “autointoxication,” that meat literally rots in the stomach and clogs the system, causing poisons to flood the body (Carson 1957).6

The notion of contagion (Frazer [1911-1915] 1965; Rozin, Millman, and Nemeroff 1986) informs some of these pronouncements: one literally becomes what one eats. (Many aphrodisiacs involve the principle of homeopathy rather than contagion; see examples in Hendrickson 1974; Walton 1958.) On the other hand, one likely eats what one already is: according to HungryMonster.com, statistics compiled by Domino’s Pizza about sales and deliveries indicate that men wearing muscle shirts when answering the door order pepperoni three times more often than they order any other topping, and people with pierced noses, lips, or eyebrows ask for a vegetarian toppings 23 percent more often than they ask for meat toppings. One recent study suggests that flesh eating figures prominently in the diets of those who emphasize social power, hierarchical domination, and conservatism, while people who place greater value on equality, peace, and social justice gravitate toward vegetarianism (Allen et al. 2000). Accordingly, many nineteenth-century vegetarians promoted radical causes including temperance, anti-vivisection, and women’s suffrage (Leneman 1997; Spencer 1993), their identity and that of contemporary vegetarians symbolizing a lifestyle and set of values rather than being simply a matter of taste regarding what to ingest.7

I began this section of my article on the symbolism of meat and vegetables because of how fundamental they are to diet and identity: we either eat one or the other or both, and in the process we generate or convey a sense of self. In addition, sex and gender are our most basic identities biologically and through social construction. The symbolism of meat and vegetables in relation to identity has greatly affected, and continues to determine, people’s behavior in a multitude of ways, which in turn has implications for contemporary nutritional programs. Sometimes men who assume the role of cooking-for instance, firefighters-masculinize their assumption of “women’s” work by using profanity profusely during food preparation (Deutsch 2005:105). Although masculine identities may be multiple-such as “strong,””healthy,””wealthy,””sensitive,””traditional,””smart,” or “pure” men (Sobal 2005:146-7)-the fact remains that there has long been a “hegemonic masculinity” serving as a prototype or ideal that associates men with meat rather than with “sissy” or “wimpy” foods (Sobal 2005:138).

Probably as a result of long-standing notions about meat, produce, and “stimulants,” health manuals in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries recommended a diet low in meat for adolescent boys as a means of combating masturbation, along with reduced consumption of hot, spicy foods that inflame the passions. They also advocated a lower intake of red meat in pregnant and lactating women, promoting instead the ingestion of “delicate,””light” female foods like fruit, soups, milk, vegetables, chicken, and fish, which both reflect a woman’s own delicate feminine condition and avoid stimulating red-bloodedness inappropriate to those fulfilling a nurturing role (Twigg 1983). By contrast, a man required a diet heavy in flesh because of his expenditure of energy in hard work and creative thinking, which also used up blood that must be replenished (Frese 1992:209).

Toward the end of the nineteenth century, many Victorian girls rejected meat, associating a carnivorous diet with sexual precocity, abundant menstrual flow, and even nymphomania and insanity (Showalter 1985:129). Spices and condiments also excited the sensual nature rather than moral character of a young woman. “Indulgence in foods that were considered stimulating or inflammatory served not only as an emblem of unchecked sensuality but sometimes as a sign of social aggression,” writes Joan Jacobs Brumberg. “Women who ate meat could be regarded as acting out of place; they were assuming a male prerogative” (1988:180). In addition, eating could quickly lead to gluttony and physical ugliness; slimness signified spirituality, beauty, and gentility. “In this milieu food was obviously more than a source of nutrition or a means of curbing hunger; it was an integral part of individual identity. For women in particular, how one ate spoke to issues of basic character,” Brumberg continues (1988:178). Then and now, denial of appetite “expressed an ideal of female perfection and moral superiority” (Brumberg 1988:188).

Evidence suggests that provisioning mythology affects which foods men and women of different classes select in their diet. Working- class and professional women appear to prefer a more feminine array of foodstuffs than do working-class men (Heisley 1990; Roos and Wandel 2005). Although many professional males give lip service to a penchant for the same items as their female counterparts, they tend to consume a more masculine set of items, particularly when away from home and in the company of their fellows. Countless working- class women prepare and eat a more masculine diet than they would like because they accommodate themselves to their spouses’ preferences (Kerr and Charles 1986). “Well I know my husband’s taste in food so I stick to just plain things,” said one woman. “We live on beef, pork or lamb . . . so I tend to stick to the same thing most weeks-I rarely buy anything for myself” (120). Men typically eat more meat than do women, because they expect it as males and because many females think they need it. Remarked one woman: “A man that’s been at work all day doesn’t want to come home to fish fingers. He wants something a bit more substantial” (122). Another said, “When we’re having a meal I always give him more than me and I can’t bear the thought of him having less than me” (132). Yet another stated, “I tend to think men need more food inside them and I always give him a slightly bigger portion than myself nearly every time. . . . I put more meat on his plate generally” (137; regarding men’s emphasis on quantity, see also Roos and Wandel 2005).

For many of us, the construction of a meal follows traditional rules, which Mary Douglas discovered when her family strenuously objected to a supper of soup. As the cook, “I needed to know what defines the category of a meal in our home” (Douglas 1972:63). She came to realize that a “proper meal” (Kerr and Charles 1986; Sobal 2005; Walker-Birckhead 1985) is “A (when A is the stressed main course) plus 2B (when B is an unstressed course)” (Douglas 1972:68). In many British, Australian, and American homes, a proper meal from a male’s point of view consists of a centerpiece from the slaughterhouse “supplemented by two overcooked vegetables” (Singer 1990:187). In households where the man brings home the bacon, the woman’s role is in the kitchen preparing dinner timed for his arrival, thus symbolizing her obligation as home maker and his as breadwinner (Ellis 1983; Murcott 1982; for the man’s role in cooking, see T. Adler 1981). Seemingly insignificant, a woman’s failure to provide a proper meal or to not do so on time may in fact cause her partner to boil over, committing an act of violence. As one woman battered by her husband reported, “It would start off with him being angry over trivial little things, a trivial little thing like cheese instead of meat on a sandwich” (Dobash and Dobash 1979:101). Another woman stated, “A month ago he threw scalding water over me, leaving a scar on my right arm, all because I gave him a pie with potatoes and vegetables for his dinner, instead of fresh meat” (Pizzey 1977:35).

Having examined the identities of male and female in relation to food symbolism, I want to consider other ways in which people indicate who they are through alimentary activities: first, self in relation to how and what one eats; second, food choice and identity related to values, gratification, and other personal characteristics; and third, self in relation to social categories. Of these, only the third-self and food choice in relation to, for example, ethnicity, class, and religious affiliation-has been researched to any great extent in folkloristics. To take up the first matter of self in relation to food consumption, some self- images derive from the range of fare-that is, foods viewed as acceptable to the individual (Bisogni et al. 2002).8 One individual admits to being a picky or fussy eater and unwilling to try new foods, another is a food snob, someone else boasts a willingness to eat anything, and yet others identify themselves as omnivores or as one of the six kinds of vegetarians (from occasional meat eater to ovo-lacto vegetarian to vegan; see Beardsworth and Keil 1992). Regarding the actual types of food preferred and consumed (as distinct from what is within acceptable limits), there is the self- proclaimed junk food junkie (immortalized in Jim Croce’s song by this title), fast-food freak, meat-and-potatoes man, salad lover, sushi addict, chocoholic, adventurous eater (or culinary tourist; see Long 1998), or pasta person (as the buxom Sophia Loren said, “All you see, I owe to spaghetti”). The relationship between identity and types of food eaten is illustrated in The Breakfast Club (1985), directed by John Hughes, in which the lunches of the five main characters correlate with their personalities (for stereotypical profiles in eating, see Sadalla and Burroughs 1981).9 “The way you cut your meat reflects the way you live,” observed Confucius. Indeed, how an individual eats speaks to identity, whether one be fastidious, messy, a formal d\iner, or someone who does not stand on formality. Tolstoy’s joy in expressing intensely felt physical sensations in some of his writings bears a direct relationship to his eating with his hands, absorbing sensory qualities as directly as possible (Pearson 1984). The method of eating includes ritualistic behavior, such as a person’s consuming all of one food on the plate before moving on to the next; the manner in which the character portrayed by Barbra Streisand in the movie The Mirror Has Two Faces (1996) always cuts her salad into small bits, which endears her to Jeff Bridges; the way a young man invariably tears open and flattens a fast food bag to use as a place mat for the items inside, driving his (now ex-) girlfriend to distraction; or, according to Elizabeth Adler (1981), the systematic techniques that people employ to eat wedges of cake, fried eggs on toast, corn on the cob, and Oreos. The last was satirized in the late 1990s in an e-mail claiming to report the results of a study of personality based on how one eats these cookies.10 Sometimes meal patterns correlate with identity, as in the three-meals-a-day person, the individual who professes to not being a breakfast eater (“I don’t do mornings”), the frequent snacker, or the person who often eats on the run because of a hectic schedule. The quantity consumed relates to self when one admits to being a hearty eater, a light eater, a nibbler, or a person who eats like a bird or, conversely, like a horse (as one man said, “I just want a lot and eat it fast so that I can go out and do something else”; quoted in Roos and Wandel 2005:172). Finally, consistency of alimentary practices bears a relationship to identity, as in the regular eater, a stable eater, or someone who “grabs lunch when I can.”

In addition to the numerous identities related to consumption practices, there is a goodly crop corresponding to personal characteristics, which in turn manifest themselves in eating behavior. One of these traits is orientation toward health. A diet of organically grown, free-range, and brown, coarse, or raw foodstuffs as opposed to conventionally grown (with a helping of pesticides), factory-raised, and white, refined, and processed items testifies to health consciousness.11 As a corollary, there’s the patent disregard of fitness. In 1981 the punk rock band Jody Foster’s Army belted out a song at a couple of hundred beats a minute consisting of “Coke and Snickers is all I eat,” repeated eight times in rapid succession followed by “Health Sucks!” sung eight times in a row. Food writer Calvin Trillin, who often reviewed “rib joints,” remarked, “Health food makes me sick.” According to a man who was an undergraduate at UCLA in the 1970s when the counterculture health movement was strong, “Because it is so fatty and a hazard to one’s health, eating Spam,” which he did, “was equivalent to never going out into the sun. It was sort of like an anti-statement, the antithesis of perfection and health” (quoted in Park 1991:21). With its emphasis on personal responsibility, “healthism” today tends to create a moral discourse surrounding sicknesses and diseases like cancer and diabetes, blaming individuals for their problems and robbing them of self-esteem and a sense of agency (Broom and Whittaker 2004; Liburd 2003).

“The body is not the same from day to day. Not even from minute to minute,” acknowledges Emily Jenkins. “Sometimes it seems like home, sometimes more like a cheap motel near Pittsburgh” (1999:7). A second trait is body image. Often “fat” is implicated, particularly among females. A 1994 survey found that 90 percent of Korean high school girls who were of normal weight believed themselves to be heavy (Efron 1997). Another study showed that upwards of 63 percent of American high school girls dieted the previous year, losing an average of ten to twelve pounds (Whitaker et al. 1989). For many college-age women, growing fat betokens loss of control, which is another personal characteristic related to identity and hence food intake (and an issue for countless anorexics); the bodies of thin people symbolize restraint in eating that gives these individuals power over others through self-righteousness and moral rectitude. For these women students, “eating is not a simple act of fueling the body; it is moral behavior through which they construct themselves as good or bad human beings” (Counihan 1999:126).

In addition to orientation toward health and concerns over body image as well as control, other traits by means of which people may identify themselves and that relate to food choice are salience of food, as in “I love to eat, I love to cook” or “I eat to live, not live to eat”; degree of satisfaction and gratification, which is apparent in the person who gushes about being an enthusiastic eater or in the remark by George Bernard Shaw that “I am no gourmet, eating is not a pleasure to me, only a troublesome necessity, like dressing or undressing” (Spencer 1993:280); and physiological conditions and attributes, as in “I have a nervous stomach” or one’s being ill (with a cold or the flu), suffering from a disease (e.g., diabetes, celiac disease, acid reflux, colitis), having allergic reactions to shellfish, potato skins, citrus, tomatoes, wheat products, or monosodium glutamate (MSG), experiencing disgust and cravings while pregnant (Murcott 1988), and so on. Lifestyle (Hanke 1989), such as the self-proclaimed cosmopolitan, beach bum, fitness buff, or outdoors-oriented individual, is yet another personal trait giving rise to an identity that in turn expresses and determines food choice. (Residents in the Seattle-Tacoma area spoon up 60 percent more Cheerios than elsewhere in the nation, which is “consistent with their outdoorsy, wholesome life style,” said a spokesman for General Mills; see Hall 1988:17).

One final component of identity that is reproduced in or constructed by eating behavior is that of values, philosophy, or ideology. At a county fair, for instance, the food booths of fraternal, religious, and civic organizations sell virtually the same fare; customers may purchase their food from one rather than another vendor because of their identification with and allegiance to that organization (Prosterman 1981). For some individuals who identify with a racial or ethnic group, preparing and consuming foods associated with that identity helps keep memories and traditions alive (Beoku-Betts 1995). And as we have seen, vegetarians and health food advocates clearly state their positions through their culinary choices, asserting their identities with every bite, but there are contrarians too, such as the UCLA reference librarian who said, “I don’t do drugs currently, and I don’t drink ’cause I figured it was not good for me. So something like Spam fills that need to not be perfect. That is, perfect people are dull and boring so something like Spam shows that you are part of the human race” (quoted in Park 1991:13).

Identities relate not only to eating practices such as the range, types, and quantities of food consumed as well as to personal characteristics like body image, sense of control, lifestyle, and values discussed above, but also to social categories and reference groups. Gender as well as class, ethnicity, family, peer groups (including occupations; see Deutsch 2005; Roos and Wandel 2005; and Wilk and Hintlian 2005) dominate the list. In The Status Seekers, a best-seller in the 1950s, Vance Packard describes the downs and ups of food associated with class. A man grew up in a poor family of Italian origin that subsisted on blood sausages, pizza, spaghetti, and red wine. After high school, he worked in logging camps where he learned to prefer beef, beans, and beer. Later, in an industrial plant in Detroit, he worked his way up the ladder and cultivated the favorite foods and beverages of other executives: steak, seafood, and whiskey. Ultimately gaining acceptance in the city’s upper class, he won culinary admiration by serving guests, with the aid of his servant, authentic Italian treats such as blood sausage, spaghetti, and red wine. As suggested by this example, high-status foods are those that are expensive because of rarity, cost of ingredients, labor-intensive preparation, the prominence of animal protein, and their nonnutritional meanings and associations (Berger 1981). A staple item, if prepared in elaborate ways and served infrequently, can attain or preserve prestige value (“prestige,” from Latin praestigium, meaning “illusion” or “delusion”).

For centuries, meat, white rice, and white bread have commanded admiration (Flynn 1944; Masumoto 1987; Spencer 1993:257).12 According to Kerr and Charles (1986:140-3), meat is so crucial to a “proper meal” in England that it continues to appear on the table during inflationary periods or when family income wanes, albeit of lesser quality. In the status ranking of meat, steaks and chops are the highest; stews, casseroles, liver, and bacon occupy the intermediate category; and burgers and sausages rank lowest. (Offal, which is cheap, is recognized as nutritious, but it is disliked and served as a form of penance.) The specific foods considered high- status and “luxury” items vary through time and among groups and subcultures. A general rule seems to be that luxury foods “offer a refinement in texture, taste, fat content or other quality (such as stimulant or inebriant) and . . . offer distinction because of either their quantity (especially of meat and alcohol) or quality (the latter including expense, exotic origin, complexity, style, etiquette, etc.)” (van der Veen 2003:420).

As symbols, status foods may have a significant impact on people’s behavior. Charlotte Babcock (1947:391) reports an instance in which a man flew into a rage when his wife served him hamburger. He associated ground beef with the poverty and degradation he had suffered early in life, and therefore he assu\med that his wife ignored or lacked respect for his achievements and pride. On a more positive note (of sorts), three nights before the Super Bowl game in 1991, line coach Fred Hoaglin treated the eight-man New York Giants offensive line to eleven pounds of lobster, fifteen pounds of steak, twenty-five pounds of side dishes, and a $400 bottle of wine: “I wanted them to experience real quality food so they would play real quality ball,” he said (“Eating to Win” 1991). The Giants edged out the Buffalo Bills 20-19 (for a study of an organization’s manipulation of food-related status symbols among its employees, see Rosen 1985).

What one individual esteems, however, another may reject. To many, a table centerpiece of Jell-O with tiny marshmallows, bits of pineapple, julienne carrots, and other fruit or vegetables exemplifies a woman’s creativity and sophistication (Newton 1992); to others, it is dclass. “Cold or hot, Spam hits the spot” might be true for some-and cooking contests highlight it with award-winning entries like Savory Spam Cheesecake while Hawaiian identity seems to revolve around this canned meat-but Spam is not prestigious to all. “Being an African-American, looking good was always important, showing some kind of status,” said one man who quit eating it after eight years. “Being associated with Spam would take that away from that good image” (quoted in Park 1991:18; see also Lewis 2000 regarding Spam’s high and low status; Kim and Livengood 1995 concerning ramen noodles; and Belcher 1980 for attitudes toward Twinkies, or “WASP Soul Food,” as Archie Bunker of All in the Family dubbed them). The modern tradition of using convenience foods and prepared mixes, whether Betty Crocker Potato Buds, Shake ‘n’ Bake, or Hamburger Helper, is appreciated by some, ridiculed by others. National Lampoon (1974) satirized “The Cooking of Provincial New Jersey” in an article by Gerald Sussman mimicking the beautifully photographed images of haute cuisine and class-based rhetoric in Gourmet Magazine. Subtitled “Twenty-one Cuisines, One Great Taste,” it features frozen, canned, and processed items. Ernest Mickler’s White Trash Cooking (1986) inverts food and status correlations, privileging lower-class food (Evans 1992). It uses a language of cheap ingredients: swamp cabbage, hog lights (lungs), lard, ‘gater (alligator) tail, cooter (turtle), and such commercial products as mayonnaise, Redi-whip, and Ritz crackers. His recipes are for dishes like Aunt Donnah’s Roast Possum, Mock Cooter Soup prepared with oleo, Potato Chip Sandwich, and Paper-Thin Grilled Cheese made with white bread (“no other will do”) and two slices of Velveeta cheese (“no other will do”).

The relationship of food to ethnic identity has long been a staple of folkloristic documentation, analysis, and presentation (see overviews by Camp 1989; Kalc?ik 1984; and Rikoon 1982; see also essays in Brown and Mussell 1984 and Humphrey and Humphrey 1988). Eating culture is a significant element of festivals, whether homegrown or organized by folklorists (Griffith 1988; Hansen 1996; Kurin 1997; Sommers 1994). For ethnic displays at festive events, disagreements can arise as to which food should be served: an Americanized one or a more “authentic” dish (often the folklorist’s preference but whose unfamiliar flavors, unfortunately, might offend the palate of many festival-goers; see Auerbach 1991). Participants in regional events highlighting ethnic identity usually consume esoteric dishes behind closed doors while publicly displaying those that have been accepted by the dominant society, even rechristening concession fare to suggest ethnic relevance (e.g., at an Italian American festival in Indiana, calling soda pop gassoso, lemonade lemonatto, and a ham and cheese sandwich pasticcetto di prosciutto; see Magliocco 1993).

As often noted, many members of the first generation of immigrants attempt to retain their cuisine to the extent that similar ingredients are available (regarding the importance of the “flavor principle,” or flavoring as a marker of cuisine, see Rozin 1983), economics and social context do not pose hurdles, and the food items continue to symbolically tie them to the source culture (Kalc?ik 1984; Rikoon 1982). But alas, “Old Confucius ways don’t work anymore, you know,” says Uncle Tam in Wayne Wang’s movie Dim Sum: A Little Bit of Heart (1984). “Things can’t stay the same. Something happens here. Whoosh! It changes. You only keep what you can use.” Typically, the children of immigrants opt for the foods of the dominant culture; in England and the United States it is often fast, junk, frozen, or convenience items pervading the wider society that the youth feel, or wish to appear to be, a part of rather than apart from (Ashley et al. 2004:72; Devine et al. 1999:90; Valentine 1999:519). Members of the third generation, however, may hunger for emblems of ethnicity, selecting certain foods as representations of their heritage (Kugelmass 1990; Raspa 1984; see also Negra 2002 as well as Girardelli 2004 regarding the nostalgia that seemingly sustains food-centric films and/or ethnic-themed restaurants). Fears of losing ethnic or racial traditions and other symbols of identity associated with food often surface when individuals face the prospects of having to change their diet to conform to clinicians’ recommendations (James 2004:362).

Researchers usually dwell on ethnic identities that they suppose people assume for themselves, but Robert Georges contends that you often eat what others think you are, and those who prepare the food for you choose it on the basis of who they think you think they are. He draws on personal experiences, including one occasion when he visited Greek immigrant relatives for the first time; they vied with one another to prepare him a Greek meal although they rarely cook Greek dishes and he did not ask for such cuisine. After examining a number of situations in which he was host or guest, Georges sets forth a theorem regarding food choice and social identity: “We and others select and reject certain foods, prepare the selected foods in particular ways, and serve them to specific individuals because we identify them or ourselves as Southerners, natural food addicts, men or women, old or young; and

American shad

The American shad or Atlantic shad, Alosa sapidissima, is a species of anadromous fish in family Clupeidae of order Clupeiformes. The shad is a member of the herring family.

Description

The American shad is the largest member of the herring family. Shad have silver bodies and a green back, with large scales and a deeply forked tail. The males (or “bucks”) are smaller than the female, weighing about 1 to 3 pounds when spawning; females are generally 3 to 8 pounds. Both genders tend to run a little larger on the East Coast of the United States. It has a rich delicate fatty flesh, prized by some and despised by others.

Shad are shot through with small bones. There is a great controversy over the taste of shad, opinions running from inedible (some fishermen cut shad up to use for bait) to superb; some esteem it above the famous Atlantic salmon and consider it flavorful enough to not require sauces, herbs or spices (although most will sprinkle it with vinegar or lemon juice). It can be boiled, filleted and fried in butter or baked; baking shad at a low temperature for an extended period will dissolve the tiny bones, although the texture of the flesh will suffer.

Aside from the fish itself, the eggs, called “shad roe”, are a prized gourmet item (although, again, some people find them inedible). Several thousand small eggs, roughly the size of a BB, are contained in a pair of reddish-orange membranes just inside the female’s belly, running from about an inch behind the gills almost to the anal opening. The roe are most often fried and eaten for breakfast with eggs or a starch, although dinner recipes exist.

The shad was enormously important as a food fish and protein source in early coastal settlements due to its great numbers and ease of taking when spawning; in 1789, an estimated 830,000 shad were caught from the Merrimack River alone. Traditionally it was caught along with salmon in set nets which were suspended from poles driven into the river bed reasonably close to shore in tidal water. George Washington worked as a shad fisherman in 1781. A good account of the early importance of shad to feeding coastal populations in the 18th century is contained in The Founding Fish by John McPhee. The American shad is the official state fish of Connecticut.

Habits

The shad spends most of its life at sea, but swims up fresh rivers to spawn. Unlike salmon, the fish survive breeding and can return to the sea; they do not inhabit fresh water except to spawn. At sea, shad are schooling fish; thousands are often seen at the surface in spring, summer, and autumn. They are hard to find in the winter, as they tend to go deeper before spawning season; they have been pulled up in nets as deep as 65 fathoms.

Like other herrings, is primarily a plankton feeder, but will eat small shrimp and fish eggs. Occasionally they eat small fish, but these are only a minor item in their general diet.

The sexually mature fish enter the streams in spring or early summer when the river water has warmed to 50° to 55° F. Cooler water appears to interrupt the spawn. Consequently the shad run correspondingly later in the year passing from south to north along the coast, commencing in Georgia in January; in March in the waters tributary to Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds; in April in the Potomac; and in May and June in northern streams generally from Delaware to Canada.

In large rivers they run far upstream especially in the open rivers of the southeast. The apparent longest distance is in the St. Johns River of Florida, an extremely slow (1″ drop per mile) river that widens into large lakes; shad have been found 375 miles upriver.

The fish select sandy or pebbly shallows for spawning grounds, and deposit their eggs mostly between sundown and midnight. Females produce about 30,000 eggs on average; though as many as 156,000 have been estimated in very large fish. The spent fish, now very emaciated, begin their return journey to the sea immediately after spawning.

The eggs are transparent, pale pink or amber, and being semi-buoyant and not sticky like those of other river herrings, they roll about on the bottom with the current. The eggs hatch in 12 to 15 days at 52° (12° C), in 6 to 8 days at 63° (17° C), which covers the range characteristic of Maine and Bay of Fundy rivers during the season of incubation.

The larvae are about .35 to .39 in (9 to 10 mm). long. The young shad remain in the rivers until fall, when they move down to salt water; by this time, they are to 1.5 to 4.5 inches long, resembling their parents in appearance.

Nutritional information

Like most herring, shad are very high in omega 3, and in particular contain nearly twice as much per unit weight as wild salmon. They are also very low in toxins like PCBs, dioxins, and mercury by EPA standards.

Shad population

There has been a problem with declines in the shad population as early as the turn of the century. Many of the rivers where it was common now suffer from pollution; however, in some cases, the short length of time spent by shad in fresh water may minimize contamination. Shad are taken from the Hudson River and eaten, as scientists have found that they are not in the river long enough to be affected by PCBs and other contaminants.

Such pollution, however, may damage the spawn, and studies have been undertaken to determine whether fingerlings suffer DNA damage. Some of the rivers in which the shad spawns have dams on them, eliminating much of the spawning grounds; in recent years, several small dams have been destroyed for just this reason. Pollutants, even if not harmful per se, may encourage the growth of unfriendly water fauna. And finally, shad have simply been overfished.

Even more important to the decline of the shad is the damming of the rivers and streams in which they spawn, as pregnant doe shad are quite heavy and do not jump even when hooked. As noted above, the number of shad caught in the Merrimack River declined from almost 900,000 in 1789 to 0 in 1888, due to the fishes’ inability to reach their spawning ground.

Shad serve a peculiar symbolic role in Virginia state politics. On the year of every gubernatorial election, would-be candidates, lobbyists, campaign workers, and reporters gather in the town of Wakefield, Virginia for Shad Planking.

Shad fishing

Shad are also valued as a sport fish that exhibit complex and little-understood feeding behavior while spawning. Unlike salmon, shad retain the ability digest and assimilate food during the anadromous migration. Like other fish, their feeding instinct can be triggered by a variety of factors such as turbidity and water temperature. Anglers use both spinning and fly fishing tackle to pursue shad. In the north, April through June is when shad spawn in coastal rivers and estuaries.

Analysis: Zinc Fails to Restore Taste

By ED SUSMAN

In the largest study of its kind, doctors said Monday that use of the supplement zinc sulfate failed to restore normal taste to patients who had radiation for head and neck cancer.

The results of this study were disappointing in that we hoped that zinc sulfate would help patients maintain their taste based on prior pilot data, said Michele Halyard, a radiation oncologist at the Mayo Clinic Scottsdale in Arizona.

Frequently, patients who undergo radiation for head and neck cancers that impact the oral cavity suffer some alteration of taste, Thomas Eichler, medical director of the Thomas Johns Cancer Center, Richmond, Va., told United Press International.

We were very hopeful this study would prove successful, he said, because the taste alteration doesn’t mean that food doesn’t taste good, it often means food tastes bad. It is unfortunate this study proved negative because we have very little to treat these patients.

He suggested that loss of taste sensation or having food that tastes bad can slow a patient’s recovery from the multiple effects of radiation, chemotherapy and surgery. Eichler said losing taste sensation can lead to a significant change in eating habits, causing some patients to avoid certain unappealing foods, sometimes leading to additional weight loss at a time when good nutrition is critical.

Halyard said that previous academic studies in cancer and non-cancer settings had suggested that the use of zinc sulfate could help patients regain their sense of taste more quickly after radiation therapy. But the phase three, multi-institutional, double-blind, placebo-controlled study found that giving patients a zinc sulfate vitamin supplement had little to no effect on the sense of taste for the patients in the study, she said.

In the clinical trial, reported in the current issue of the International Journal for Radiation Oncology*Biology*Physics, the journal of the American Society for Therapeutic Radiology and Oncology, Halyard and associates enrolled 173 patients who had undergone treatment for head and neck cancer with traditional radiation therapy. Four patients received no treatment, so researchers were left to evaluated 84 patients who received zinc, and 85 who were given placebo.

Patients were divided into two groups, one group treated with zinc, the other with sham medication called placebo. Both groups experienced similar degrees of taste alteration, but doctors reported that there was no significant difference in taste recovery between the groups.

About 6 percent of the zinc-treated group achieved complete taste recovery, compared to 18 percent in the placebo group. This study is the largest ever reported to date to evaluate zinc sulfate in the treatment or prevention of taste alteration for patients receiving radiation therapy for head and neck cancer, Halyard said.

Although the trial failed to show zinc is helpful, we can further explore other promising treatments to help patients maintain their quality of life during and after treatment. The search goes on, she told UPI.

Eichler, who was not part of the study, said that when radiation with or without chemotherapy is used to treat patients, the taste buds are frequently affected. For these patients, usual food flavors taste bland or different, with a few patients losing the sensation of taste altogether.

He said it is possible that zinc sulfate might help some individuals.

Halyard said that, at the dose used in the study — 45 milligrams of zinc sulfate three times a day — there did not appear to be any difference in adverse side effects from the placebo.

Serious Nutritional Deficiencies, Obesity Plague Greek Elderly

Serious nutritional deficiencies, obesity plague Greek elderly

ATHENS, March 30 (Xinhua) — A combination of bad diet and too little exercise has led to the destruction of muscle in many of Greece’s over-60s, exposing them to health risks like obesity, osteoporosis and impaired mobility, said a study available here on Friday.

According to survey presented by the research program ” Archimedes” carried out by Thessaloniki Technological Education Institute(TEI), 70 percent of Greek women and 40 to 45 percent of Greek men in that age group suffer from protein deficiencies.

Low protein intake that causes destruction of muscles is further compounded by excessive consumption of saturated fats that cause overweight, with 30 percent of elderly people considered overweight and 70 to 80 percent having increased concentration of abdominal fat, which is a high risk factor for cardiovascular disease.

The program was run by TEI in collaboration with the head of the Ippokration Hospital Geriatrics Unit Dimitris Economidis.

According to Kalliope Kleftour, head of Thessaloniki TEI Dietetics Department, the solution was not to reduce the quantity of food consumed but to eat foods with higher dietary value. He said that 14 percent of elderly Greeks showing signs of senility have a significant shortage of the vitamin, while in 50 percent of patients B12 is at low levels.

(c) 2007 Xinhua News Agency – CEIS. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Herbal `Viagra’ Concoctions That Spell Big Trouble

PETALING JAYA: Many older men with heart disease are putting their lives at risk, taking supplements to cure ED on the sly.

Erectile dysfunction is a side effect of heart disease, and many men are taking “herbal” remedies, often laced with the active ingredients from medications prescribed for ED, in the belief that they are safe.

A Universiti Malaya Medical Centre study of 510 high-risk male heart patients last year, found that almost 95 per cent have ED, and more than half confessed to taking supplements without discussing it with their doctors.

According to health experts, it is likely that heart patients have died as a result. But no data are available because the men either collapsed and died at home, on the way to hospital or in hospital without telling anyone they had used supplements.

Interventional cardiologist Dr Ramesh Singh Veriah says adulterated herbal health supplements are being sold widely by village medicine men and through direct selling or friends, and have been on the market since at least the late 1990s.

“The innocuous-looking adulterated herbal health supplement, which comes in the form of white pills, capsules and drinks, even has Tongkat Ali mixed into it sometimes,” he told the New Straits Times.

“These tablets are easily available in urban and rural areas and people are taking them without knowing the danger.”

Some of his patients who had ED have told him they took these pills and felt good because they had revived their sex lives.

“I advised these patients against taking them because of their unknown contents, and that they could endanger their lives. But they would rather believe their medicine man in the kampung than me,” he added.

Patients with heart disease are often prescribed medications that contain nitrates. The active ingredients in ED medication can interact with the nitrates and lower blood pressure to dangerous levels.

Those with diabetes, high blood pressure or high cholesterol cannot take ED medication without the supervision of a doctor because of possible dangerous side effects like kidney failure.

One of the problems, says Dr Ramesh, is that most men are too embarrassed to discuss ED with their doctors, let alone their wives. They take these medications because they are cheap and readily available.

He said the use of such supplements was a growing concern in view of Malaysia’s ageing population. Based on the Massachusetts Male Ageing Study, it was estimated that in 1995 there were over 152 million men worldwide who experienced ED; the projections for 2025 show a prevalence of 322 million with ED, an increase of nearly 170 million men. The largest projected increases are in the developing world.

Men needed to be educated and made aware of the importance of only taking ED medication under supervision and prescribed by a qualified doctor, Dr Ramesh added.

(c) 2007 New Straits Times. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

On Marrying a Butcher: Animality and Modernist Anxiety in West’s "Indissoluble Matrimony"

By Rohman, Carrie

This essay suggests that West’s story exposes forms of racialized and gendered mastery that are coded as a failed attempt to eliminate and transcend animality. The exposure is read as a sophisticated commentary on species anxiety in modernist literature, a rhetorical problem that is still critically under-thought.

Modernist critics in the last decade have recuperated the work of Rebecca West, a British writer noted for her construction of “female epics” and feminist heroines. West’s short story “Indissoluble Matrimony” appeared in the experimental journal, BLAST, published by Wyndham Lewis in 1914 as a Vorticist manifesto and call for revolution in British art. Recently, BLAST has garnered increasing critical attention as an avant-garde modernist compilation committed to unsettling intellectual and aesthetic practices at the beginning of the twentieth century. The placement ofWest’s story within the anti-normative context of BLAST has implications that have not been theorized for twentieth-century literary criticism. “Indissoluble Matrimony” not only unveils various racial and gender codes that were operative at the turn of the twentieth century, but it also implicitly articulates how those codes are given force through the discourse of animality. Ultimately, this text should be read in its specificity as a sophisticated gloss on species anxiety in early- twentieth-century literature.

The question of the animal in modernism can be situated in the wake of post-colonial and feminist criticism, which has dominated studies of British modernism in recent decades. Postcolonial critiques worked to illuminate the dialectic between Western subjectivity and the non-Western “other,” a disenfranchised other whose projected alterity served to stabilize European imperialist identity.Marianna Torgovnick’s Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects, Modern Lives, for instance, was widely read as an expos of primitivism’s cultural work in the modernist aesthetic. Torgovnick, gives primacy to the racial and sexual binaries used by writers to codify the primitive. She maintains that European primitivism often rehearses a self-serving set of dichotomies that defines native peoples alternately as “gentle, in tune with nature, paradisal, ideal-or violent, in need of control” (3). Modernist writers deploy the primitive in an ambivalent, self-serving discourse of otherness, whose object is at once excessively desirable and deeply threatening, ideal and abject.

While Torgovnick notes that Western ambivalence toward the racialized “savage” was frequently rooted in the post-Darwinian evolutionist premise that a continuum exists between civilized and savage, she fails to address the ways in which animality often underlies this dynamic. A similar elision appears in the more recent postcolonial work of Anne McClintock, whose insightful 1995 study Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Conquest reads gender as a constitutive category of imperialism.McClintock’s work establishes a link between the British investment in domesticating women and in controlling the racial other at the turn of the twentieth century. While McClintock discusses the appropriation of Darwinism by European anthropologists to determine the rank of human races, she does not recognize the discourse of species as fundamental to these imperialist otherings. For instance, although McClintock points clearly to the feminization of natives in various images from the period, she does not theorize the animalization of native populations so striking in many of her book’s images.

Therefore, while the problem of the “irrational” and the “primitive” has been analyzed within modernism, the specificity of modernism’s species discourse remains undertheorized.West’s story exhibits a complex grid of racial, gender, and species discourses that seem to reproduce “typical” preoccupations of the period. In this narrative, George Silverton, a white man, has an ambivalent relationship to his mulatto wife, Evadne, whom he repeatedly associates with nonhuman animals. After the two argue over her political connections, Evadne flees to a nearby lake and George follows her because he is convinced she is meeting a lover. Despite the inaccuracy of his suspicion, the two come to blows and George believes he has succeeded in drowning his wife. However, when he returns home, he finds her asleep and unscathed.

Modernist writers often use the discourse of animality to articulate racist and sexist paradigms, projecting European species anxiety onto the framework of human difference. For instance, T.S. Eliot’s Sweeney poems animalize women and Jews through various narrative devices that attempt to retain the position of imperialist master for the European masculinist speaker. Moreover, Conrad’s framework of ethical regression in Heart of Darkness, while complicated, depends upon a deep ideological racism that conflates African and animal. Similarily, the male protagonist in West’s story attributes his wife’s excessively animal interest in physical and sexual pleasure to her having “black blood.” In this regard, the mulatto figure destabilizes her husband’s identity along racial, gender, and species lines. His character adopts the discourse of animality in order to marginalize Evadne as woman and Negro. However, the husband ultimately fails to eliminate this threat in the narrative, and the text highlights his excessive and histrionic anxieties surrounding her.

West exposes the attempted disavowal of contingency and the iteration or production of transcendence that thinkers like George Bataille describe in Theory of Religion as the drive to posit the self as subject-over-object. While the story seems normative in its alignment of feminine with black with non-human, I will show that, through its narrative strategies, the text reveals these discursive parallels as suspect. In this regard, the story exposes modernism’s political and ideological mainstream, particularly in terms of a post-Darwinian, masculinist rhetoric. Such an exposure, with its implicit critique of speciesism in humanism, aligns West’s work not only with that of Djuna Barnes, but also, interestingly, with the work of H.G. Wells. I have argued elsewhere that Barnes and Wells represent the desire to disavow and repress animality as a futile and disastrous project and that their texts unsettle “the traditional notion of the ‘human’ as ontologically nonanimal” (“Burning” 132).

The “revolutionary” climate of historical modernism that Marianne DeKoven theorizes also helps us clarify the particular valence of animal discourse in West’s text. DeKoven reminds us that modernism reflects an ambiguous response to the “downfall of class, gender, and racial (ethnic, religious) privilege,” and that “revolution was to be in the direction of egalitarian leveling on all those fronts” (20). In DeKoven’s terms, we may want to consider George Silverton’s bestiary within the framework of his wife’s emergent power along gender, racial, and political lines.We must not forget, however, that in the decades following Darwin, human privilege itself is threatened by the re-definition of the species barrier.

Let me briefly situate this discussion in relation to the study of animality and posthumanism. Cary Wolfe has recently suggested that “much of what we call cultural studies situates itself [. . .] [on] a fundamental repression that underlies most ethical and political discourse: repressing the question of nonhuman subjectivity, taking for granted that the subject is always already human.” For Wolfe, this means “that the debates in the humanities and social sciences between well-intentioned critics of racism, (hetero)sexism, classism [. . .] almost always remain locked within an unexamined framework of speciesism” (1). If Wolfe is right, then one of the tasks of literary and cultural critics is to unveil the operations of species discourse, especially in texts that have been primarily understood through a racial or sexual lens.West’s story is such a text. This process not only advances the theorization of the nonhuman other, but it also reveals how such mechanisms of othering are used to marginalize humans.

Regarding work on Rebecca West, critics such as Marina MacKay and Bernard Schweizer have recently noted that West scholarship has tended toward the biographical and feminist-apologetic. Schweizer, in particular, situates his work among an emerging body of criticism that reassesses West “by implementing a new focus on previously undervalued aspects of her work” (2). This call for a renewed appraisal of West’s work complements my own reading of her story as one that disrupts the humanist and racially inscribed identities that sometimes characterize modernist texts.

The opening line of “Indissoluble Matrimony” subtly foregrounds George Silverton’s anxieties about an animalized racialism, anxieties that subtend the ideological import of this under- examined text: “When George Silverton opened the front door he found that the house was not empty for all its darkness” (98). Questions of the dark, the dusky, and the primordially “full” circumscribe meaning throughout this story. If darkness has denoted a lack,metaphysically, if black has sometimes been read as an absence- of white, of light or otherwise-George’s intuition about the house suggests, through \a domesticating metonym, the contrary about his mulatto wife. She is not empty, despite her darkness. The “other” of George’s imaginary is not characterized by an absence: indeed, the racially marked woman constitutes for him an excess or abundance of animality. I want to emphasize the for him at the outset of this discussion since my larger argument about modernism and animality hinges on that narrative detail.West’s text ultimately exposes the normative conflation of woman and black through the discourse of species in an important and, I want to argue, critically significant way.

The dominant thematic axes of the text are in evidence from the outset of the narrative. In the opening paragraph, we view Evadne implicitly from George’s perspective as his gaze assesses and evaluates her. George inhabits the classic exoticist position of ambivalence from the start when he, through the narrator, remarks that “she was one of those women who create an illusion alternately of extreme beauty and extreme ugliness” (98). Robert J.C. Young further complicates this classic position in his discussion of racial hybridity, a concept that circulates “around an ambivalent axis of desire and aversion: a structure of attraction, where people and cultures intermix and merge, transforming themselves as a result, and a structure of repulsion, where the different elements remain distinct and are set against each other diaologically” (19). In this sense, then, the pairing of white with mulatto, an already amalgamated term, produces a mise en abyme of potential intermixture.

In the opening paragraph, we see within the span of a sentence how questions of taste, race, and the body will frame George’s imaginative animalization of his wife: “Under her curious dress, designed in some pitifully cheap and worthless stuff by a successful mood of her indiscreet taste-she had black blood in her-her long body seemed pulsing with some exaltation.” The culminating feline image of Evadne in this first paragraph sets the stage for a proliferation of species conjunctions that articulate George’s masculinist and white-ist fears, fears that are ultimately mocked by the text’s judgment of George: “The blood was coursing violently under her luminous yellow skin, and her lids, dusky with fatigue, drooped contentedly over her great humid black eyes. Perpetually she raised her hand to the mass of black hair that was coiled on her thick golden neck, and stroked it with secretive enjoyment, as a cat licks it fur.And her large mouth smiled frankly, but abstractedly, at some digested pleasure” (98). This descriptive sequence exhibits an excessive foundation for George’s discursive politics throughout the story. The immediate emphasis on blood recapitulates racial codes that are located in blood lines, but the fact that it courses violently under her yellow skin exaggerates the corporeal valence of racial markers in a kind of hyper-materialization of Evadne. Here, importantly, the association between the sexual and the animal becomes clear. Evadne’s eyes and mouth are enlarged, suggesting an over-developed relation to the sensory and sensuous, at the same time that these “organs,” if you will, highlight her animal languor. She strokes her hair, coiled almost like a snake, as a cat licks its fur, so that the masturbatory jouissance of the moment is represented as animal: as untranslatable, “secret,” and outside the register of human language capacities. This makes her enjoyment especially threatening to George’s phallocentric economy. Finally, the image of Evadne smiling at a “digested pleasure” registers George’s racial and sexual anxieties through an animalized depiction of consumption: the cat as the vagina dentata. This opening description is significant because it emphasizes with such abundance George’s reading of race and sexuality through the register of the animal.

The linking of non-white with the sexual and animal was especially prominent in the late nineteenth century.As Young points out, British and European cultures were often consumed with the question of miscegenation-a question revolving around sexuality-and many scientists during that time period seemed similarly “prone to such hostile obsessions and ambivalent fantasies” (148). One very prominent feature of this concern, according to Young, is an “ambivalent driving desire at the heart of racialism: a compulsive libidinal attraction disavowed by an equal insistence on repulsion” (149). George will exhibit this kind of ambivalence, as we shall see. Moreover, the potency of the “elicit” desire for the non-white at this time period is specifically refracted through a post- Darwinian discourse of animality. The ambivalent desire for, and repulsion from, black sexuality echoes the culture’s ongoing anxieties about human origins in the non-human world; thus the white European must shore up his humanity but sometimes imagines himself “going native” with animal abandon.

This utilization of animality in order to marginalize or distance the racial other, in particular, needs to be more fully articulated by postcolonial theory. Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein acknowledge that “every theoretical racism draws upon anthropological universals” (56) in which “the persistence of the same ‘question’: that of the difference between humanity and animality” recurs. Their discussion illuminates George’s perception of his wife’s “secretive enjoyment.” Balibar and Wallerstein note: “The ‘secret,’ the discovery of which [theoretical racism] endlessly rehearses, is that of a humanity eternally leaving animality behind and eternally threatened with falling into the grasp of animality” (57). Feminist theory is not immune to a similar blind spot, as Carol Adams and others have pointed out. Despite the fact the women are routinely aligned with the sacrificeable animal, many feminist critics have not recognized the need to theorize the human as they have theorized the masculine. In this way the human/animal binary remains relatively intractable, despite our attentions to race, gender, and class.

West’s text emphasizes the extreme binary opposition that George perceives between himself and his wife in the opening pages of the story. George’s initial irritation at Evadne’s ahuman sensuality is dispelled when he reminds himself that any kind of stimulus results in her “riot of excited loveliness.” He is then free to dismiss her in a reduction to the “purely physical,” insisting that “unless one was in good condition and responsive to the messages sent out by the flesh Evadne could hardly concern one” (98). The alignment of George with an attempted transcendence of the bodily and the animal, and Evadne with the converse, is cleverly rehearsed in their subsequent dinner scene.

While brief, this scene articulates the couple’s incongruous relationship to animality through the habituated but culturally primary question of food consumption and what Derrida has called the sacrificial structure of subjectivity. George remarks on the carelessness of the preparations, adding, “Besides, what an absurd supper to set before a hungry solicitor’s clerk! In the center, obviously intended as the principal dish, was a bowl of plums, softly red, soaked with the sun, glowing like jewels [. . .] [and] a great yellow melon, its sleek sides fluted with rich growth, and a honey-comb glistening on a willow-patterned dish.” In contrast to this preposterous centrality of fruit, George notes that the “only sensible food to be seen was a plate of tongue laid at his place” (West 99). In his essay “Eating Well,” Derrida theorizes the sacrificial structure that situates Western subjectivation in relation to the animal other. This structure is dependent upon the hierarchical opposition between “man” and “animal,” and it organizes the cultural and discursive justification of violence against animals: “it is a matter of discerning a place left open [. . .] for a noncriminal putting to death” (Derrida 112) of entities that fall into the category “animal.” The prevailing schema of Western subjectivity itself, then, is extended by Derrida to include carnivorous virility and thus becomes “carno-phallogocentrism.” Derrida adds the prefix “carno” here to indicate his further delineation of the Western subject he had already identified as “phallogocentric.” If the subject is identified with phallic privilege (phallocentrism) and with the metaphysics of presence (logocentrism), it is equally associated with carnivorous sacrifice. Essentially, the acquisition of full humanity in the West is predicated, among other processes, upon eating animal flesh. Derrida notes that the same sacrificial operation occurs for the subject in a symbolic relation to other humans.

This attempted transcendence over nature also posits the non- animality of the human carnivore, and, as Bataille’s Theory of Religion suggests, works to remove man from the realm of the thing. Eating meat defines the animal as always-having-been a thing, and conversely, it defines man as never-having-been a thing. Thus Derrida explains, “The subject does not want just to master and possess nature actively. In our cultures, he accepts sacrifice and eats flesh.” For this reason, Derrida explains, in Western cultures the head of state could never be a vegetarian since “the chef must be an eater of flesh.” Becoming “human” is accomplished through the ingestion, incorporation, and interiorization of the other, the other both as object and as subject. Thus, Derrida notes that it is both real and symbolic cannibalisms that bring us into subjecthood. He observes, “The question is no longer one of knowing if it is ‘good’ to eat the other or if the other is ‘good’ to eat, nor of knowing which other. One eats him regardless and lets oneself be eaten by him. The so-called nonanthropophagic cultures practice symbolic anthropophagy and even construct their most elevated socius, ind\eed the sublimity of their morality, their politics, and their right, on this anthropophagy.” This is why Derrida explains that the head of state, the “chef must be an eater of flesh (with a view moreover, to being ‘symbolically’ eaten himself . . .)” (114).

Derrida’s framework goes a long way toward explaining the connection between masculinity and meat-eating that is implicit in West’s dinner scene. George believes Evadne to be careless and absurd in her preparation of dinner because her meal does not emphasize the ritualistic elements of incorporation, the real and symbolic anthropophagies that function to set man apart from the animal. Indeed, George remarks of her presentation and behaviour, “There was no ritual about it” (99, emph. mine). The “sensible” plate of tongue is unusually provocative here. George may eat animal tongue in order to over-mark his mastery of the vocalizing animal and thus recite his own exclusionary claim to “language.” Actually, his meal partakes of an extremely indeterminate organ that initiates the most animal and sensual acts yet also forms abstract words and phrases, markers of transcendence and ritual. One cannot help being reminded of Gilles Deleuze’s claim in an interview that he prefers eating brain, tongue, and marrow. Nicole Shukin calls these organs “sites of extreme potency,” and notes that “Deleuze’s favourite things, furthermore, connote a virility of force and a blood-lust for becomings that are peculiarly male gendered. Unverifiably, but arguably, brain, tongue and marrow emit a muscular and raw masculinity” (146). While Evadne is the one who seems to operate within various becomings here,George certainly seems concerned to dissociate himself from all things feminine, a project at which he will not succeed.

In George’s subsequent reminiscence about meeting Evadne, we are further schooled in the ways of his temperament and especially in his anxieties.When his firm had been confronted with the complicated financial calculus of the often-married Mrs. Ellerker (through whom George will meet young Evadne), it was “Silverton alone in the office, by reason of a certain natural incapacity for excitement,” who could “deal calmly with this marvel of imbecility” (West 100). This masculine/imperial calm, in his mind, is set in sharp contra- distinction to weighty, material affect; that is, to the “obscene” animality of a sexualized feminine. George’s memories of visiting Mrs. Ellerker are marked by the very descriptive excess that I want to argue highlights his own hysterical desire for mastery throughout the text: “He alone could endure to sit with patience in the black=panelled drawing=room amidst the jungle of shiny mahogany furniture and talk to a mass of darkness, who rested heavily in the window= seat and now and then made an idiotic remark in a bright, hearty voice” (100). Ellerker, in her domestic jungle, is heavy with the weight of the material, the black, and the animal. The “jungle- ization” of blacks and black women is so hackneyed in literary and cultural discourse that the animal character of this trope is practically elided from our thinking about it. As I have noted, one of the tasks of racial and postcolonial criticism is to theorize the specific discourses of animality within such mechanisms of othering. What is “the jungle” but the most frenetic and fecund representation of animal activity imagined principly as aggression and sexuality alongside the torpor of heat, moisture, and the din of the swarm? This regressive evolutionary implication sits at the core of George’s “real horror” of Ellerker and of all women:

This horror obsessed him. Never before had he feared anything. [. . .] This disgust of women revealed to him that the world is a place of subtle perils. He began to fear marriage as he feared death. The thought of intimacy with some lovely, desirable and necessary wife turned him sick as he sat at his lunch. The secret obscenity of women! He talked darkly of it to his friends. He wondered why the Church did not provide a service for the absolution of men after marriage.Wife desertion seemed to him a beautiful return of the tainted body to cleanliness. (West 100)

Women, and especially non-white women, produce disgust because they are bodily, and, for George, this corporeality is unclean. The description rehearses a series of familiar associations: the Kristevan abject, the menstruating contaminant, the obscene animal materiality of female sexuality and reproduction. Thus, the somewhat stunning claim that closes this section about wife desertion as a “beautiful return of the tainted body to cleanliness” describes a fantasy of male embodiment as transcendent if and only if the male corpus can be dissociated from woman, black, and animal. Again, George’s excessive fears of the bodily seem frantic and actually render him as the spouse most out of control.

This textual moment resonates especially well with Ann Stoler’s discussion of how sexuality circumscribed “being European” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Addressing the specific fears about mixed-bloods and tropically over-sexed Asians found in 1880’s Netherland presses, Stoler quotes a warning against the “indescribable horror and bestiality” putatively awaiting European youths in the Indies army barracks (177). While Stoler does not theorize the discourse of animality here, it nonetheless undergirds the racialized and tropicalized anxieties that produce colonial identity. She goes on to note that such discourses “reaffirmed that the ‘truth’ of European identity was lodged in self- restraint, self-discipline, in a managed sexuality that was susceptible and not always under control” (178). It is with this restraint and discipline that George continually self-identifies over and against the likes of Mrs. Ellerker, who displays a “hatred of discipline” (West 100). We will see eventually how George’s discipline is futile. To extend Stoler’s observation, then, we need to understand the “truth” of European identity at this historical juncture as tied not only to a restrained and managed sexuality, but also to a disciplined and controlled humanity that surfs its own animal ontology in a precarious and tenuous manner. Both of these problems, as West’s text demonstrates, can play themselves out through the question of race at various and overlapping points.

George ultimately narrates his “fall” for Evadne as a deception, which gives it a subtle resonance with the Edenic question of female desire. Most interesting about this founding seduction, however, is the confusion of spiritual and animal that plays out through the register of voice. George feels he was fooled into perceiving Evadne as spiritual when she was singing, and this spirituality sanctioned, to his mind, the “animal” sexuality that she levels at him. Note the way in which the spiritual mitigates the animal by the end of this passage:

Now he knew that her voice was a purely physical attribute, built in her as she lay in her mother’s womb, and no index of her spiritual values. But then, as it welled up from the thick golden throat and clung to her lips, it seemed a sublime achievement of the soul. It was smouldering contralto such as only those of black blood can possess. As she sang her great black eyes lay on him with the innocent shamelessness of a young animal, and he remembered hopefully that he was good looking. (West 100, emph. mine)

Because he first perceives Evadne’s singing as soulful, he allows himself to revel in her licentious “animal” gaze. We learn on the following page that this spiritual achievement was only seeming in her. George “had tasted of a divine thing created in his time for dreams out of her rich beauty, her loneliness, her romantic poverty, her immaculate youth. He had known love. And Evadne had never known anything more than a magnificent physical adventure [. . .]” (101). The singing voice functions here as a kind of “missing link” between substance and symbolization since it is a physical phenomenon that produces music, the abstract and cultural. Indeed, we might want to understand singing, as we would need to understand dance, as a particularly “deceptive” or confusing aesthetic practice, since it involves the becoming-abstract of the body or bodily. Thus, Evadne’s singing provides a privileged point of conflation for the animal and spiritual in George’s mind: her practice of sculpture or painting, for instance, would not have the same purchase because their mediums are further removed from the body. Her bodily voice-become-art momentarily de-animalizes Evadne from George’s point of view.

The fact that George is deceived by his wife’s “soulfulness” is especially resonant with his earlier irritation at her “humming in that uncanny, negro way of hers” (99). The Negro spiritual has often functioned for oppressed and enslaved blacks as a form of encodement, as a conduit of political or tactical information misunderstood by whites as merely religious in nature. The early mention of her humming parallels the confounding of white power through the black spiritual since George seems to view this practice as subversive, though he cannot articulate why. The recollected spirituality of Evadne’s song at Mrs. Ellerker’s enacts another perceived deception in which Evadne’s performance of whiteness through a sanctioned cultural practice unmarks her as black, bodily, and animal, if only for an instant. In this sense George imagined her, briefly and to his mind erroneously, to be aligned with the transcendent white human.

And while he imagines wanting this spiritual creature, he nonetheless balks at his wife’s intellectual pursuits.When she is invited to speak at a political rally for a Socialist candidate, he again sexualizes her through the discourses of race and animality: “In the jaundiced recesses of his mind he took for granted that her work would have the lax fibre of \her character: that it would be infected with Oriental crudities. [. . .] His eyes blazed on her and found the depraved, over=sexed creature, looking milder than a gazeller [sic], holding out a hand=bill to him” (102). After an exchange about the candidate’s involvement with a mistress, George launches into a string of bizarre accusations, first telling his wife that she talks “like a woman off the streets,” and then suggesting she may be one.He complains that she has always been sexually aggressive, and blurts out the claim that “good women” are sexually passive. During this episode, we see an early example of George’s own panicked state from Evadne’s perspective: “With clever cruelty she fixed his eyes with hers, well knowing that he longed to fall forward and bury his head on the table in a transport of hysterical sobs” (103, emph. mine).

Gilbert and Gubar’s project on gender anxiety at the turn of the twentieth century, No Man’s Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century, is instructive here, but George not only inhabits a feminized hysterical position in response to female social and sexual power, his perception of the return of animal prowess also reflects a broader post-Darwinian anxiety about the instability of the male imperial subject vis- vis the species barrier. This fear of the animal clearly contributes to his distress. In this way, George can be read as a caricature of writers such as T.S. Eliot, who often construct elaborate literary works that attempt to shore up imperialist mastery and privilege by marginalizing animals, women, and Jews.We must also note the implicit fear of bestiality that is played out in George’s psyche. Evadne’s putative hyper-sexuality is linked both to her non-white status and to her animal qualities. She is marked by “Oriental crudities” and is an “over-sexed creature” (102).

The climax of the couple’s dispute over Evadne’s speaking engagement reveals-in a subtle but lucid moment-George’s sacrificial relationship to animality. After he threatens to throw her out of the house if she speaks in public, we observe George’s own brief lapse into animal instinct, followed by his return to a humanist position: “She rose to come towards him. She looked black and dangerous. She trod softly like a cat with her head down. In spite of himself, his tongue licked his lips in fear and he cowered for a moment before he picked up a knife from the table. For a space she looked down on him and the sharp blade” (West 104, emph. mine). In response to his black and feline partner, George becomes-animal despite himself, despite his rational, Cartesian, humanist self. West’s syntax is especially significant here: George does not lick his lips, but rather, “his tongue licked his lips in fear.” George is momentarily elided by his licking tongue, a tongue that appropriates his agency at this instant. This description clearly plays off of George’s “sensible” meal of tongue at the outset of the story. Here, he is at the mercy of an instinctual, oral, and partly sexual fear/drive. And though he briefly hesitates, he does not remain in this exo-humanist space for long.

When George picks up a kitchen knife, he returns to the tool- using, sacrificing human that Bataille examines in Theory of Religion. This human works to remove himself from the realm of the thing by reducing the animal to an eaten object in a process that posits the human as transcendent:

An animal exists for itself and in order to be a thing it must be dead or domesticated. Thus the eaten animal can be posited as an object only provided it is eaten dead. Indeed it is fully a thing only in a roasted, grilled, or boiled form. [. . .] Concerning that which I kill, which I cut up, which I cook, I implicitly affirm that that has never been anything but a thing. To cut up, cook, and eat a man is on the contrary abominable. [. . .] And despite appearances, even the hardened materialists are still so religious that in their eyes it is always a crime to make a man into a thing-a roast, a stew. (39-40)

George brandishes the kitchen knife in his temptation to make Evadne into a dead object. In doing as much, he would be confirming that she had never been fully human, but rather had always been an animal-thing. He nearly inhabits the position of butcher here, and we will see how central that potential is to George’s vision of Evadne near the end of the text.

This scene marks a turning point in the narrative. George has allowed himself only an instantaneous “regressive” lapse into animality. He subsequently resolves, knife in hand, to sacrifice his own and his other’s non-human nature. The violence of the couple’s eventual struggle is clearly foreshadowed in this exchange, and from this point forward, George is driven by his need to eliminate Evadne, who now represents the obscene animal that must be exterminated. After she flees their home and he follows at a distance, George watches: “‘Go on you beast!’ he muttered, ‘Go on, go on!'” While George’s violent resolve and animalization of Evadne are compounding, his own inadequacy and ineffectiveness begin to peak. First, he shouts obscenities after his fleeing wife only to have the door jam as he tries to open it. Not long after he begins to pursue her through the fields and hedges, he steps with his slippers into a pool of mud, which “seemed the last humiliation” (West 105). This turn in the narrative inaugurates an inverse relationship between George’s determination to conquer his wife and his own physical strength: the more fiercely he pursues her, the more his body hampers him.We have our first clear indication of the text’s general suggestion that attempts to control and eliminate animality are vain.

Another notable shift occurs at this juncture in the story that changes the animal register of George’s imaginary. Still chasing his wife from a distance and suspecting her infidelity, he experiences a moment of inexplicable desire for Evadne’s unrecognizable form: “Even as he went something caught his eye in a thicket high up on the slope near the crags. [. . .] In [a tree’s] dark shadows, faintly illumined by a few boughs of withered blossom, there moved a strange bluish light. Even while he did not know what it was it made his flesh stir” (107, emph. mine).His wife’s body is finally revealed, and she is wearing a black bathing costume, “her arms and legs and the broad streak of flesh laid bare by a rent down the back shone brilliantly white, so that she seemed like a grotesquely patterned wild animal as she ran down to the lake” (West 108). George’s metaphorics shift from the domestic animal to the wild animal here. Early in the story, within the confines of their home, he most often experiences Evadne as furtive and cat-like, but once outside he sees her as ferocious, wild, and patterned, suggesting such animals as striped zebras or boars. We might want to consider too, that cats, zebras, and boars are typically associated with African biosystems. The point here, however, is that the “descent” from domestic to wild animal seems to propel the final violent confrontation between the spouses. George’s perception of Evadne’s animal nature becomes even more visceral as she comes out of the water: “As she came quite near he was exasperated by the happy, snorting breaths she drew, and strolled a pace or two up the bank.” Similarly, “the roar of the little waterfall did not disturb her splendid nerves and she drooped sensuously over the hand=rail, sniffing up the sweet night smell” (West 108, emph. mine). Freud is clearest on the requisite abjection of the olfactory for the humanized subject in Civilization and its Discontents, where he outlines his theory of “organic repression.” Here, Freud imagines early man’s transition from a quadruped to a biped and the various results of this rising up from an animal way of being. Walking upright brings about the rejection of formerly stimulating smells- particularly blood and feces-and the consequent transition from an olfactory mode of sensing to a specular one. Evadne’s snorting and sniffing for George cleanly distill her bestial nature.

George and Evadne soon realize that they “must kill each other.” The subsequent descriptions of their emotional states are rendered in the somewhat trite Manichean terms that have been wearying to critics of West’s work. Once the two perceive that “God is war and his creatures must fight” (110), West rehearses a series of binary oppositions to represent their struggle. The most interesting moment in this section occurs when Evadne briefly doubts her own power: “The illusion passed like a moment of faintness [. . .]. In the material world she had a thousand times been defeated into making prudent reservations and practicing unnatural docilities. But in the world of thought she had maintained unfalteringly her masterfulness in spite of the strong yearning of her temperament towards voluptuous surrenders.” Here, it seems, the narrator tips a hand to reveal that Evadne may have specific animal proclivities that occasionally get the upper hand, though her “virtue” lies in the ability to control those urges when necessary. The telling counterpoint here may be in Evadne’s ability to acknowledge animality as such within the human subject, while George panics at the unsanitized “human.” The contrast is immediately rendered in the shift to George’s point of view: “Sweating horribly, he had dropped his head forward on his chest: his eyes fell on her feet and marked the plebeian moulding of her ankle, which rose thickly over a crease of flesh from the heel to the calf. The woman was course in grain and pattern” (111). Despite his own sweat-secreting corpus, then, George projects materiality onto Evadne only, who is again imaged as a patterned, wild creature.

Their battle is played out in the material register, a plane of immanence that George has imagined himself to transcend. No\netheless, “they fell body to body into the quarrelling waters” (111, emph. mine). George finds himself in unfamiliar territory additionally because he has always “loathed and dreaded” action, a fear perfectly in keeping with his hyper-spiritual worldview. Practically drowning in the lake waters and hanging from a rock, he is again presented as physically and psychologically feeble: “A part of him was in agony, for his arm was nearly dragged out of its socket and a part of him was embarrassed because his hysteria shook him with a deep rumbling chuckle that sounded as though he meditated on some unseemly joke” (112).

What brings him to his senses is the feel of his wife’s piscine body in the water: “A certain porpoise=like surface met his left foot. Fear dappled his face with goose flesh. Without turning his head he knew what it was. It was Evadne’s fat flesh rising on each side of her deep furrowed spine through the rent in her bathing dress.” This final association of his wife with the marine world begets a mock-Herculean effort to kill her as George “saw his wife as the curtain of flesh between him and celibacy, and solitude and all those delicate abstentions from life which his soul desired” (112). He confidently puts his hand on her “seal-smooth head” and drowns her, noting that “To the end the creature persisted in turmoil, in movement, in action” (113).

George’s belief that he has engineered the “extinction” of his animal-wife brings about a momentary jubilation and sense of triumph against the non-human. Thinking himself a very strong man, George has a transcendent experience reminiscent of the Derridean sacrificial structure in which “his body fell out of knowledge. [. . .] He knew unconsciousness, or rather the fullest consciousness he had ever known. For the world became nothingness, and nothingness which is free from the yeasty nuisance of matter and the ugliness of generation was the law of his being” (113, emph. mine). This passage conflates the animal, woman, and black in a remarkably foul sexualized and gestational associative gesture. It also imagines the solidification of George’s masculinized,white subjectivity as that which must eliminate its various others. The violent sacrifice of animality necessary in this humanist framework is revealed perfectly by George’s socalled “generous” thoughts about his wife who he believes dead: “‘If she had married a butcher or a veterinary surgeon she might have been happy’ he said” (114). The shocking implication here is that such a bestial woman needs to be sexually mastered by one who slaughters or vivisects. In this way, the butcher metaphor circumscribes George’s ultimate fantasy of control and annihilation of his racial, sexual, and nonhuman other. The violence of this epithet points to the profound anxieties of the male humanist in the modernist moment. Applied to Evadne, it also reminds us how Derrida’s “non-criminal putting to death” of the animal is used to sanction cruelty against marginalized humans.

The final pages of the story emphasize George’s vision of himself as holy and untouched by the unclean. After he believes Evadne dead, he is transformed by spiritual visions, feeling that,”He saw God and lived” (113).When it occurs to him that he could be hanged for murder, George fantasizes about committing suicide:”He saw his corpse lying in full daylight, and for the first time knew himself certainly, unquestionably dignified” (114). Here it is only the final death of the animal body and his remaining immortal soul that can be valued. In keeping with Derrida’s and Bataille’s work on the Judeo-Christian subject, George posits himself as saintly and even spiritually generous after his specific and personal de- animalization of the world. Seeing a random fellow through a cottage window, George “interceded with God for the sake of this stranger. Everything was beautiful, beautiful, beautiful” as he descends toward his “own little house [that] looked solemn as a temple” (115- 16). This scene suggests a specifically Lvinasian reading of ethicality and the face in which it is only the human face that obliges us into responsibility. Derrida’s most recent work on animality includes a sustained critique of this position, wherein he argues that the “gaze called animal offers to my sight the abyssal limit of the human” (“Animal” 380). It is precisely such destabilizing limits that George avoids when he sympathizes with the human, male stranger.

The staggering fact that Evadne is not dead and is rather sleeping in the very bed George imagined for his suicide is tidily foreshadowed when he opens the gate to their home: “A stray cat that had been sleeping in the tuft of papas grass [. . .] fled insolently close to his legs. He hated all wild homeless things, and bent for a stone to throw at it. But instead his fingers touched a slug, which reminded him of the feeling of Evadne’s flesh through the slit in her bathing dress.” This passage clearly registers the inability to eliminate the animal from the realm of the human.Within moments, after feeling that the garden is “possessed by her presence,” he sees Evadne lying “on his deathbed” (116). George’s imagined death would have been the death of his animal body, but this actual death is that of his humanized self, a self that has attempted and failed to destroy its connection to animal ontology or being.

The association between Evadne and the animal is reiterated several times in the story’s final paragraphs. George is certain that this is his wife in body and not “a phantasmatic appearance. Evadne was not the sort of woman to have a ghost” (116). And in further de-spiritualizing thoughts, he believes that “he had never put her into danger, for she was a great lusty creature and the weir was a little place.” Finally, to cement the difference between them, he admits “Bodies like his do not kill bodies like hers” (117).

When George gets into bed, and Evadne, who sleeps on, “caressed him with warm arms,” we see the ultimate failure of his project; “He was beaten” (117). He is beaten, no less, by a semi-conscious, warm, and sensual embrace. Certainly the association of animality with a sexualized mulatto woman in this text demands a careful reading on our part since the import of such conflations has a long and sullied history. However, it is West’s narrativization of George and his point of view that is more central here. George’s project-his “reading” of Evadne, his exponential hysteria and enervation, and failed attempt to kill her-requires our critical attention. In fact, George’s attempt to “purify” himself and his world of the bestial is ultimately vain; his co-marginalization of the animal, black, and feminine becomes increasingly untenable as the story progresses. This discrediting functions primarily through the characterization of George as hysterical and weak, that is, by a kind of feminization of George himself. And while such a double bind might give feminists pause, the larger force of West’s critique exposes the assumptions and disavowals of an era.

We are compelled to ask what Evadne’s triumph signals in this story. Her presence is clearly too powerful to be eliminated by George’s presence. In this way, the animal, the bodily, the black, and the feminine prevail. These are, to use a Deleuzian term, “intensities” that have been understood to resist locatability within the symbolic. In this way, we can read West’s story as one that privileges the before or outside of representation. George’s rejection of, and attempted transcendence of, the animal is futile and buffoonish according to the text. Indeed, the stronger human functions not in contradistinction to animality but within the occasional becoming-animal of her fluid and unfixed character.

WORKS CITED

Balibar, Etienne and Immanuel Wallerstein. Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. New York: Verso, 1988.

Bataille, Georges. Theory of Religion. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Zone Books, 1992.

DeKoven, Marianne. Rich and Strange: Gender, History, Modernism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1991.

Derrida, Jacques. “The Animal That Therefore I Am (More to Follow).” Critical Inquiry 28.2 (Winter 2002): 369-418.

_____ . “‘Eating Well,’ or The Calculation of the Subject: An Interview with Jacques Derrida.” Who Comes After the Subject? Eds. Eduardo Cadava, Peter Connor, and Jean-Luc Nancy. New York: Routledge, 1991. 96-119.

Freud, Sigmund. Civilization and its Discontents. Trans. Joan Riviere. London: Hogarth Press, 1930.

McClintock, Anne. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Conquest. New York: Routledge, 1995.

Rohman, Carrie. “Burning Out the Animal: The Failure of Enlightenment Purification in H.G.Wells’s The Island of Dr. Moreau.” Figuring Animals: Essays on Animal Images in Art, Literature, Philosophy, and Popular Culture. Eds. Mary Sanders Pollock and Catherine Rainwater. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005. 121-34.

Schweizer, Bernard. Rebecca West: Heroism, Rebellion, and the Female Epic.Westport: Greenwood Press, 2002.

Shukin, Nicole. “Deleuze and Feminisms: Involuntary Regulators and Affective Inhibitors.” Deleuze and Feminist Theory. Eds. Ian Buchanan and Claire Colebrook. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2000. 144- 55.

Stoler, Ann Laura. Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault’s History of Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things. Durham, NH: Duke UP, 1995.

Torgovnick, Marianna. Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects, Modern Lives. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1990.

West, Rebecca. “Indissoluble Matrimony.” 1914. BLAST 1. Ed.Wyndham Lewis. Santa Rosa: Black Sparrow Press, 1992. 98-117.

Wolfe, Cary. Animal Rites: American Culture, the Discourse of Species, and Posthumanist Theory. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003.

Young, Robert J.C. Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race. London: Routledge, 1995.

CARRIE ROHMAN, assistant professor of English at the University of Pittsburgh, Johnstown, h\as published essays on D.H. Lawrence and H.G.Wells. Her essay on identity and the discourse of species in Djuna Barnes’s Nightwood is forthcoming in American Literature. She has recently completed a book manuscript entitled Stalking the Subject: Animal Alterities and the Production of Modernism.

Copyright MOSAIC Mar 2007

(c) 2007 Mosaic : a Journal for the Interdisciplinary Study of Literature. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

On Marrying a Butcher: Animality and Modernist Anxiety in West’s “Indissoluble Matrimony”

By Rohman, Carrie

This essay suggests that West’s story exposes forms of racialized and gendered mastery that are coded as a failed attempt to eliminate and transcend animality. The exposure is read as a sophisticated commentary on species anxiety in modernist literature, a rhetorical problem that is still critically under-thought.

Modernist critics in the last decade have recuperated the work of Rebecca West, a British writer noted for her construction of “female epics” and feminist heroines. West’s short story “Indissoluble Matrimony” appeared in the experimental journal, BLAST, published by Wyndham Lewis in 1914 as a Vorticist manifesto and call for revolution in British art. Recently, BLAST has garnered increasing critical attention as an avant-garde modernist compilation committed to unsettling intellectual and aesthetic practices at the beginning of the twentieth century. The placement ofWest’s story within the anti-normative context of BLAST has implications that have not been theorized for twentieth-century literary criticism. “Indissoluble Matrimony” not only unveils various racial and gender codes that were operative at the turn of the twentieth century, but it also implicitly articulates how those codes are given force through the discourse of animality. Ultimately, this text should be read in its specificity as a sophisticated gloss on species anxiety in early- twentieth-century literature.

The question of the animal in modernism can be situated in the wake of post-colonial and feminist criticism, which has dominated studies of British modernism in recent decades. Postcolonial critiques worked to illuminate the dialectic between Western subjectivity and the non-Western “other,” a disenfranchised other whose projected alterity served to stabilize European imperialist identity.Marianna Torgovnick’s Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects, Modern Lives, for instance, was widely read as an expos of primitivism’s cultural work in the modernist aesthetic. Torgovnick, gives primacy to the racial and sexual binaries used by writers to codify the primitive. She maintains that European primitivism often rehearses a self-serving set of dichotomies that defines native peoples alternately as “gentle, in tune with nature, paradisal, ideal-or violent, in need of control” (3). Modernist writers deploy the primitive in an ambivalent, self-serving discourse of otherness, whose object is at once excessively desirable and deeply threatening, ideal and abject.

While Torgovnick notes that Western ambivalence toward the racialized “savage” was frequently rooted in the post-Darwinian evolutionist premise that a continuum exists between civilized and savage, she fails to address the ways in which animality often underlies this dynamic. A similar elision appears in the more recent postcolonial work of Anne McClintock, whose insightful 1995 study Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Conquest reads gender as a constitutive category of imperialism.McClintock’s work establishes a link between the British investment in domesticating women and in controlling the racial other at the turn of the twentieth century. While McClintock discusses the appropriation of Darwinism by European anthropologists to determine the rank of human races, she does not recognize the discourse of species as fundamental to these imperialist otherings. For instance, although McClintock points clearly to the feminization of natives in various images from the period, she does not theorize the animalization of native populations so striking in many of her book’s images.

Therefore, while the problem of the “irrational” and the “primitive” has been analyzed within modernism, the specificity of modernism’s species discourse remains undertheorized.West’s story exhibits a complex grid of racial, gender, and species discourses that seem to reproduce “typical” preoccupations of the period. In this narrative, George Silverton, a white man, has an ambivalent relationship to his mulatto wife, Evadne, whom he repeatedly associates with nonhuman animals. After the two argue over her political connections, Evadne flees to a nearby lake and George follows her because he is convinced she is meeting a lover. Despite the inaccuracy of his suspicion, the two come to blows and George believes he has succeeded in drowning his wife. However, when he returns home, he finds her asleep and unscathed.

Modernist writers often use the discourse of animality to articulate racist and sexist paradigms, projecting European species anxiety onto the framework of human difference. For instance, T.S. Eliot’s Sweeney poems animalize women and Jews through various narrative devices that attempt to retain the position of imperialist master for the European masculinist speaker. Moreover, Conrad’s framework of ethical regression in Heart of Darkness, while complicated, depends upon a deep ideological racism that conflates African and animal. Similarily, the male protagonist in West’s story attributes his wife’s excessively animal interest in physical and sexual pleasure to her having “black blood.” In this regard, the mulatto figure destabilizes her husband’s identity along racial, gender, and species lines. His character adopts the discourse of animality in order to marginalize Evadne as woman and Negro. However, the husband ultimately fails to eliminate this threat in the narrative, and the text highlights his excessive and histrionic anxieties surrounding her.

West exposes the attempted disavowal of contingency and the iteration or production of transcendence that thinkers like George Bataille describe in Theory of Religion as the drive to posit the self as subject-over-object. While the story seems normative in its alignment of feminine with black with non-human, I will show that, through its narrative strategies, the text reveals these discursive parallels as suspect. In this regard, the story exposes modernism’s political and ideological mainstream, particularly in terms of a post-Darwinian, masculinist rhetoric. Such an exposure, with its implicit critique of speciesism in humanism, aligns West’s work not only with that of Djuna Barnes, but also, interestingly, with the work of H.G. Wells. I have argued elsewhere that Barnes and Wells represent the desire to disavow and repress animality as a futile and disastrous project and that their texts unsettle “the traditional notion of the ‘human’ as ontologically nonanimal” (“Burning” 132).

The “revolutionary” climate of historical modernism that Marianne DeKoven theorizes also helps us clarify the particular valence of animal discourse in West’s text. DeKoven reminds us that modernism reflects an ambiguous response to the “downfall of class, gender, and racial (ethnic, religious) privilege,” and that “revolution was to be in the direction of egalitarian leveling on all those fronts” (20). In DeKoven’s terms, we may want to consider George Silverton’s bestiary within the framework of his wife’s emergent power along gender, racial, and political lines.We must not forget, however, that in the decades following Darwin, human privilege itself is threatened by the re-definition of the species barrier.

Let me briefly situate this discussion in relation to the study of animality and posthumanism. Cary Wolfe has recently suggested that “much of what we call cultural studies situates itself [. . .] [on] a fundamental repression that underlies most ethical and political discourse: repressing the question of nonhuman subjectivity, taking for granted that the subject is always already human.” For Wolfe, this means “that the debates in the humanities and social sciences between well-intentioned critics of racism, (hetero)sexism, classism [. . .] almost always remain locked within an unexamined framework of speciesism” (1). If Wolfe is right, then one of the tasks of literary and cultural critics is to unveil the operations of species discourse, especially in texts that have been primarily understood through a racial or sexual lens.West’s story is such a text. This process not only advances the theorization of the nonhuman other, but it also reveals how such mechanisms of othering are used to marginalize humans.

Regarding work on Rebecca West, critics such as Marina MacKay and Bernard Schweizer have recently noted that West scholarship has tended toward the biographical and feminist-apologetic. Schweizer, in particular, situates his work among an emerging body of criticism that reassesses West “by implementing a new focus on previously undervalued aspects of her work” (2). This call for a renewed appraisal of West’s work complements my own reading of her story as one that disrupts the humanist and racially inscribed identities that sometimes characterize modernist texts.

The opening line of “Indissoluble Matrimony” subtly foregrounds George Silverton’s anxieties about an animalized racialism, anxieties that subtend the ideological import of this under- examined text: “When George Silverton opened the front door he found that the house was not empty for all its darkness” (98). Questions of the dark, the dusky, and the primordially “full” circumscribe meaning throughout this story. If darkness has denoted a lack,metaphysically, if black has sometimes been read as an absence- of white, of light or otherwise-George’s intuition about the house suggests, through \a domesticating metonym, the contrary about his mulatto wife. She is not empty, despite her darkness. The “other” of George’s imaginary is not characterized by an absence: indeed, the racially marked woman constitutes for him an excess or abundance of animality. I want to emphasize the for him at the outset of this discussion since my larger argument about modernism and animality hinges on that narrative detail.West’s text ultimately exposes the normative conflation of woman and black through the discourse of species in an important and, I want to argue, critically significant way.

The dominant thematic axes of the text are in evidence from the outset of the narrative. In the opening paragraph, we view Evadne implicitly from George’s perspective as his gaze assesses and evaluates her. George inhabits the classic exoticist position of ambivalence from the start when he, through the narrator, remarks that “she was one of those women who create an illusion alternately of extreme beauty and extreme ugliness” (98). Robert J.C. Young further complicates this classic position in his discussion of racial hybridity, a concept that circulates “around an ambivalent axis of desire and aversion: a structure of attraction, where people and cultures intermix and merge, transforming themselves as a result, and a structure of repulsion, where the different elements remain distinct and are set against each other diaologically” (19). In this sense, then, the pairing of white with mulatto, an already amalgamated term, produces a mise en abyme of potential intermixture.

In the opening paragraph, we see within the span of a sentence how questions of taste, race, and the body will frame George’s imaginative animalization of his wife: “Under her curious dress, designed in some pitifully cheap and worthless stuff by a successful mood of her indiscreet taste-she had black blood in her-her long body seemed pulsing with some exaltation.” The culminating feline image of Evadne in this first paragraph sets the stage for a proliferation of species conjunctions that articulate George’s masculinist and white-ist fears, fears that are ultimately mocked by the text’s judgment of George: “The blood was coursing violently under her luminous yellow skin, and her lids, dusky with fatigue, drooped contentedly over her great humid black eyes. Perpetually she raised her hand to the mass of black hair that was coiled on her thick golden neck, and stroked it with secretive enjoyment, as a cat licks it fur.And her large mouth smiled frankly, but abstractedly, at some digested pleasure” (98). This descriptive sequence exhibits an excessive foundation for George’s discursive politics throughout the story. The immediate emphasis on blood recapitulates racial codes that are located in blood lines, but the fact that it courses violently under her yellow skin exaggerates the corporeal valence of racial markers in a kind of hyper-materialization of Evadne. Here, importantly, the association between the sexual and the animal becomes clear. Evadne’s eyes and mouth are enlarged, suggesting an over-developed relation to the sensory and sensuous, at the same time that these “organs,” if you will, highlight her animal languor. She strokes her hair, coiled almost like a snake, as a cat licks its fur, so that the masturbatory jouissance of the moment is represented as animal: as untranslatable, “secret,” and outside the register of human language capacities. This makes her enjoyment especially threatening to George’s phallocentric economy. Finally, the image of Evadne smiling at a “digested pleasure” registers George’s racial and sexual anxieties through an animalized depiction of consumption: the cat as the vagina dentata. This opening description is significant because it emphasizes with such abundance George’s reading of race and sexuality through the register of the animal.

The linking of non-white with the sexual and animal was especially prominent in the late nineteenth century.As Young points out, British and European cultures were often consumed with the question of miscegenation-a question revolving around sexuality-and many scientists during that time period seemed similarly “prone to such hostile obsessions and ambivalent fantasies” (148). One very prominent feature of this concern, according to Young, is an “ambivalent driving desire at the heart of racialism: a compulsive libidinal attraction disavowed by an equal insistence on repulsion” (149). George will exhibit this kind of ambivalence, as we shall see. Moreover, the potency of the “elicit” desire for the non-white at this time period is specifically refracted through a post- Darwinian discourse of animality. The ambivalent desire for, and repulsion from, black sexuality echoes the culture’s ongoing anxieties about human origins in the non-human world; thus the white European must shore up his humanity but sometimes imagines himself “going native” with animal abandon.

This utilization of animality in order to marginalize or distance the racial other, in particular, needs to be more fully articulated by postcolonial theory. Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein acknowledge that “every theoretical racism draws upon anthropological universals” (56) in which “the persistence of the same ‘question’: that of the difference between humanity and animality” recurs. Their discussion illuminates George’s perception of his wife’s “secretive enjoyment.” Balibar and Wallerstein note: “The ‘secret,’ the discovery of which [theoretical racism] endlessly rehearses, is that of a humanity eternally leaving animality behind and eternally threatened with falling into the grasp of animality” (57). Feminist theory is not immune to a similar blind spot, as Carol Adams and others have pointed out. Despite the fact the women are routinely aligned with the sacrificeable animal, many feminist critics have not recognized the need to theorize the human as they have theorized the masculine. In this way the human/animal binary remains relatively intractable, despite our attentions to race, gender, and class.

West’s text emphasizes the extreme binary opposition that George perceives between himself and his wife in the opening pages of the story. George’s initial irritation at Evadne’s ahuman sensuality is dispelled when he reminds himself that any kind of stimulus results in her “riot of excited loveliness.” He is then free to dismiss her in a reduction to the “purely physical,” insisting that “unless one was in good condition and responsive to the messages sent out by the flesh Evadne could hardly concern one” (98). The alignment of George with an attempted transcendence of the bodily and the animal, and Evadne with the converse, is cleverly rehearsed in their subsequent dinner scene.

While brief, this scene articulates the couple’s incongruous relationship to animality through the habituated but culturally primary question of food consumption and what Derrida has called the sacrificial structure of subjectivity. George remarks on the carelessness of the preparations, adding, “Besides, what an absurd supper to set before a hungry solicitor’s clerk! In the center, obviously intended as the principal dish, was a bowl of plums, softly red, soaked with the sun, glowing like jewels [. . .] [and] a great yellow melon, its sleek sides fluted with rich growth, and a honey-comb glistening on a willow-patterned dish.” In contrast to this preposterous centrality of fruit, George notes that the “only sensible food to be seen was a plate of tongue laid at his place” (West 99). In his essay “Eating Well,” Derrida theorizes the sacrificial structure that situates Western subjectivation in relation to the animal other. This structure is dependent upon the hierarchical opposition between “man” and “animal,” and it organizes the cultural and discursive justification of violence against animals: “it is a matter of discerning a place left open [. . .] for a noncriminal putting to death” (Derrida 112) of entities that fall into the category “animal.” The prevailing schema of Western subjectivity itself, then, is extended by Derrida to include carnivorous virility and thus becomes “carno-phallogocentrism.” Derrida adds the prefix “carno” here to indicate his further delineation of the Western subject he had already identified as “phallogocentric.” If the subject is identified with phallic privilege (phallocentrism) and with the metaphysics of presence (logocentrism), it is equally associated with carnivorous sacrifice. Essentially, the acquisition of full humanity in the West is predicated, among other processes, upon eating animal flesh. Derrida notes that the same sacrificial operation occurs for the subject in a symbolic relation to other humans.

This attempted transcendence over nature also posits the non- animality of the human carnivore, and, as Bataille’s Theory of Religion suggests, works to remove man from the realm of the thing. Eating meat defines the animal as always-having-been a thing, and conversely, it defines man as never-having-been a thing. Thus Derrida explains, “The subject does not want just to master and possess nature actively. In our cultures, he accepts sacrifice and eats flesh.” For this reason, Derrida explains, in Western cultures the head of state could never be a vegetarian since “the chef must be an eater of flesh.” Becoming “human” is accomplished through the ingestion, incorporation, and interiorization of the other, the other both as object and as subject. Thus, Derrida notes that it is both real and symbolic cannibalisms that bring us into subjecthood. He observes, “The question is no longer one of knowing if it is ‘good’ to eat the other or if the other is ‘good’ to eat, nor of knowing which other. One eats him regardless and lets oneself be eaten by him. The so-called nonanthropophagic cultures practice symbolic anthropophagy and even construct their most elevated socius, ind\eed the sublimity of their morality, their politics, and their right, on this anthropophagy.” This is why Derrida explains that the head of state, the “chef must be an eater of flesh (with a view moreover, to being ‘symbolically’ eaten himself . . .)” (114).

Derrida’s framework goes a long way toward explaining the connection between masculinity and meat-eating that is implicit in West’s dinner scene. George believes Evadne to be careless and absurd in her preparation of dinner because her meal does not emphasize the ritualistic elements of incorporation, the real and symbolic anthropophagies that function to set man apart from the animal. Indeed, George remarks of her presentation and behaviour, “There was no ritual about it” (99, emph. mine). The “sensible” plate of tongue is unusually provocative here. George may eat animal tongue in order to over-mark his mastery of the vocalizing animal and thus recite his own exclusionary claim to “language.” Actually, his meal partakes of an extremely indeterminate organ that initiates the most animal and sensual acts yet also forms abstract words and phrases, markers of transcendence and ritual. One cannot help being reminded of Gilles Deleuze’s claim in an interview that he prefers eating brain, tongue, and marrow. Nicole Shukin calls these organs “sites of extreme potency,” and notes that “Deleuze’s favourite things, furthermore, connote a virility of force and a blood-lust for becomings that are peculiarly male gendered. Unverifiably, but arguably, brain, tongue and marrow emit a muscular and raw masculinity” (146). While Evadne is the one who seems to operate within various becomings here,George certainly seems concerned to dissociate himself from all things feminine, a project at which he will not succeed.

In George’s subsequent reminiscence about meeting Evadne, we are further schooled in the ways of his temperament and especially in his anxieties.When his firm had been confronted with the complicated financial calculus of the often-married Mrs. Ellerker (through whom George will meet young Evadne), it was “Silverton alone in the office, by reason of a certain natural incapacity for excitement,” who could “deal calmly with this marvel of imbecility” (West 100). This masculine/imperial calm, in his mind, is set in sharp contra- distinction to weighty, material affect; that is, to the “obscene” animality of a sexualized feminine. George’s memories of visiting Mrs. Ellerker are marked by the very descriptive excess that I want to argue highlights his own hysterical desire for mastery throughout the text: “He alone could endure to sit with patience in the black=panelled drawing=room amidst the jungle of shiny mahogany furniture and talk to a mass of darkness, who rested heavily in the window= seat and now and then made an idiotic remark in a bright, hearty voice” (100). Ellerker, in her domestic jungle, is heavy with the weight of the material, the black, and the animal. The “jungle- ization” of blacks and black women is so hackneyed in literary and cultural discourse that the animal character of this trope is practically elided from our thinking about it. As I have noted, one of the tasks of racial and postcolonial criticism is to theorize the specific discourses of animality within such mechanisms of othering. What is “the jungle” but the most frenetic and fecund representation of animal activity imagined principly as aggression and sexuality alongside the torpor of heat, moisture, and the din of the swarm? This regressive evolutionary implication sits at the core of George’s “real horror” of Ellerker and of all women:

This horror obsessed him. Never before had he feared anything. [. . .] This disgust of women revealed to him that the world is a place of subtle perils. He began to fear marriage as he feared death. The thought of intimacy with some lovely, desirable and necessary wife turned him sick as he sat at his lunch. The secret obscenity of women! He talked darkly of it to his friends. He wondered why the Church did not provide a service for the absolution of men after marriage.Wife desertion seemed to him a beautiful return of the tainted body to cleanliness. (West 100)

Women, and especially non-white women, produce disgust because they are bodily, and, for George, this corporeality is unclean. The description rehearses a series of familiar associations: the Kristevan abject, the menstruating contaminant, the obscene animal materiality of female sexuality and reproduction. Thus, the somewhat stunning claim that closes this section about wife desertion as a “beautiful return of the tainted body to cleanliness” describes a fantasy of male embodiment as transcendent if and only if the male corpus can be dissociated from woman, black, and animal. Again, George’s excessive fears of the bodily seem frantic and actually render him as the spouse most out of control.

This textual moment resonates especially well with Ann Stoler’s discussion of how sexuality circumscribed “being European” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Addressing the specific fears about mixed-bloods and tropically over-sexed Asians found in 1880’s Netherland presses, Stoler quotes a warning against the “indescribable horror and bestiality” putatively awaiting European youths in the Indies army barracks (177). While Stoler does not theorize the discourse of animality here, it nonetheless undergirds the racialized and tropicalized anxieties that produce colonial identity. She goes on to note that such discourses “reaffirmed that the ‘truth’ of European identity was lodged in self- restraint, self-discipline, in a managed sexuality that was susceptible and not always under control” (178). It is with this restraint and discipline that George continually self-identifies over and against the likes of Mrs. Ellerker, who displays a “hatred of discipline” (West 100). We will see eventually how George’s discipline is futile. To extend Stoler’s observation, then, we need to understand the “truth” of European identity at this historical juncture as tied not only to a restrained and managed sexuality, but also to a disciplined and controlled humanity that surfs its own animal ontology in a precarious and tenuous manner. Both of these problems, as West’s text demonstrates, can play themselves out through the question of race at various and overlapping points.

George ultimately narrates his “fall” for Evadne as a deception, which gives it a subtle resonance with the Edenic question of female desire. Most interesting about this founding seduction, however, is the confusion of spiritual and animal that plays out through the register of voice. George feels he was fooled into perceiving Evadne as spiritual when she was singing, and this spirituality sanctioned, to his mind, the “animal” sexuality that she levels at him. Note the way in which the spiritual mitigates the animal by the end of this passage:

Now he knew that her voice was a purely physical attribute, built in her as she lay in her mother’s womb, and no index of her spiritual values. But then, as it welled up from the thick golden throat and clung to her lips, it seemed a sublime achievement of the soul. It was smouldering contralto such as only those of black blood can possess. As she sang her great black eyes lay on him with the innocent shamelessness of a young animal, and he remembered hopefully that he was good looking. (West 100, emph. mine)

Because he first perceives Evadne’s singing as soulful, he allows himself to revel in her licentious “animal” gaze. We learn on the following page that this spiritual achievement was only seeming in her. George “had tasted of a divine thing created in his time for dreams out of her rich beauty, her loneliness, her romantic poverty, her immaculate youth. He had known love. And Evadne had never known anything more than a magnificent physical adventure [. . .]” (101). The singing voice functions here as a kind of “missing link” between substance and symbolization since it is a physical phenomenon that produces music, the abstract and cultural. Indeed, we might want to understand singing, as we would need to understand dance, as a particularly “deceptive” or confusing aesthetic practice, since it involves the becoming-abstract of the body or bodily. Thus, Evadne’s singing provides a privileged point of conflation for the animal and spiritual in George’s mind: her practice of sculpture or painting, for instance, would not have the same purchase because their mediums are further removed from the body. Her bodily voice-become-art momentarily de-animalizes Evadne from George’s point of view.

The fact that George is deceived by his wife’s “soulfulness” is especially resonant with his earlier irritation at her “humming in that uncanny, negro way of hers” (99). The Negro spiritual has often functioned for oppressed and enslaved blacks as a form of encodement, as a conduit of political or tactical information misunderstood by whites as merely religious in nature. The early mention of her humming parallels the confounding of white power through the black spiritual since George seems to view this practice as subversive, though he cannot articulate why. The recollected spirituality of Evadne’s song at Mrs. Ellerker’s enacts another perceived deception in which Evadne’s performance of whiteness through a sanctioned cultural practice unmarks her as black, bodily, and animal, if only for an instant. In this sense George imagined her, briefly and to his mind erroneously, to be aligned with the transcendent white human.

And while he imagines wanting this spiritual creature, he nonetheless balks at his wife’s intellectual pursuits.When she is invited to speak at a political rally for a Socialist candidate, he again sexualizes her through the discourses of race and animality: “In the jaundiced recesses of his mind he took for granted that her work would have the lax fibre of \her character: that it would be infected with Oriental crudities. [. . .] His eyes blazed on her and found the depraved, over=sexed creature, looking milder than a gazeller [sic], holding out a hand=bill to him” (102). After an exchange about the candidate’s involvement with a mistress, George launches into a string of bizarre accusations, first telling his wife that she talks “like a woman off the streets,” and then suggesting she may be one.He complains that she has always been sexually aggressive, and blurts out the claim that “good women” are sexually passive. During this episode, we see an early example of George’s own panicked state from Evadne’s perspective: “With clever cruelty she fixed his eyes with hers, well knowing that he longed to fall forward and bury his head on the table in a transport of hysterical sobs” (103, emph. mine).

Gilbert and Gubar’s project on gender anxiety at the turn of the twentieth century, No Man’s Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century, is instructive here, but George not only inhabits a feminized hysterical position in response to female social and sexual power, his perception of the return of animal prowess also reflects a broader post-Darwinian anxiety about the instability of the male imperial subject vis- vis the species barrier. This fear of the animal clearly contributes to his distress. In this way, George can be read as a caricature of writers such as T.S. Eliot, who often construct elaborate literary works that attempt to shore up imperialist mastery and privilege by marginalizing animals, women, and Jews.We must also note the implicit fear of bestiality that is played out in George’s psyche. Evadne’s putative hyper-sexuality is linked both to her non-white status and to her animal qualities. She is marked by “Oriental crudities” and is an “over-sexed creature” (102).

The climax of the couple’s dispute over Evadne’s speaking engagement reveals-in a subtle but lucid moment-George’s sacrificial relationship to animality. After he threatens to throw her out of the house if she speaks in public, we observe George’s own brief lapse into animal instinct, followed by his return to a humanist position: “She rose to come towards him. She looked black and dangerous. She trod softly like a cat with her head down. In spite of himself, his tongue licked his lips in fear and he cowered for a moment before he picked up a knife from the table. For a space she looked down on him and the sharp blade” (West 104, emph. mine). In response to his black and feline partner, George becomes-animal despite himself, despite his rational, Cartesian, humanist self. West’s syntax is especially significant here: George does not lick his lips, but rather, “his tongue licked his lips in fear.” George is momentarily elided by his licking tongue, a tongue that appropriates his agency at this instant. This description clearly plays off of George’s “sensible” meal of tongue at the outset of the story. Here, he is at the mercy of an instinctual, oral, and partly sexual fear/drive. And though he briefly hesitates, he does not remain in this exo-humanist space for long.

When George picks up a kitchen knife, he returns to the tool- using, sacrificing human that Bataille examines in Theory of Religion. This human works to remove himself from the realm of the thing by reducing the animal to an eaten object in a process that posits the human as transcendent:

An animal exists for itself and in order to be a thing it must be dead or domesticated. Thus the eaten animal can be posited as an object only provided it is eaten dead. Indeed it is fully a thing only in a roasted, grilled, or boiled form. [. . .] Concerning that which I kill, which I cut up, which I cook, I implicitly affirm that that has never been anything but a thing. To cut up, cook, and eat a man is on the contrary abominable. [. . .] And despite appearances, even the hardened materialists are still so religious that in their eyes it is always a crime to make a man into a thing-a roast, a stew. (39-40)

George brandishes the kitchen knife in his temptation to make Evadne into a dead object. In doing as much, he would be confirming that she had never been fully human, but rather had always been an animal-thing. He nearly inhabits the position of butcher here, and we will see how central that potential is to George’s vision of Evadne near the end of the text.

This scene marks a turning point in the narrative. George has allowed himself only an instantaneous “regressive” lapse into animality. He subsequently resolves, knife in hand, to sacrifice his own and his other’s non-human nature. The violence of the couple’s eventual struggle is clearly foreshadowed in this exchange, and from this point forward, George is driven by his need to eliminate Evadne, who now represents the obscene animal that must be exterminated. After she flees their home and he follows at a distance, George watches: “‘Go on you beast!’ he muttered, ‘Go on, go on!'” While George’s violent resolve and animalization of Evadne are compounding, his own inadequacy and ineffectiveness begin to peak. First, he shouts obscenities after his fleeing wife only to have the door jam as he tries to open it. Not long after he begins to pursue her through the fields and hedges, he steps with his slippers into a pool of mud, which “seemed the last humiliation” (West 105). This turn in the narrative inaugurates an inverse relationship between George’s determination to conquer his wife and his own physical strength: the more fiercely he pursues her, the more his body hampers him.We have our first clear indication of the text’s general suggestion that attempts to control and eliminate animality are vain.

Another notable shift occurs at this juncture in the story that changes the animal register of George’s imaginary. Still chasing his wife from a distance and suspecting her infidelity, he experiences a moment of inexplicable desire for Evadne’s unrecognizable form: “Even as he went something caught his eye in a thicket high up on the slope near the crags. [. . .] In [a tree’s] dark shadows, faintly illumined by a few boughs of withered blossom, there moved a strange bluish light. Even while he did not know what it was it made his flesh stir” (107, emph. mine).His wife’s body is finally revealed, and she is wearing a black bathing costume, “her arms and legs and the broad streak of flesh laid bare by a rent down the back shone brilliantly white, so that she seemed like a grotesquely patterned wild animal as she ran down to the lake” (West 108). George’s metaphorics shift from the domestic animal to the wild animal here. Early in the story, within the confines of their home, he most often experiences Evadne as furtive and cat-like, but once outside he sees her as ferocious, wild, and patterned, suggesting such animals as striped zebras or boars. We might want to consider too, that cats, zebras, and boars are typically associated with African biosystems. The point here, however, is that the “descent” from domestic to wild animal seems to propel the final violent confrontation between the spouses. George’s perception of Evadne’s animal nature becomes even more visceral as she comes out of the water: “As she came quite near he was exasperated by the happy, snorting breaths she drew, and strolled a pace or two up the bank.” Similarly, “the roar of the little waterfall did not disturb her splendid nerves and she drooped sensuously over the hand=rail, sniffing up the sweet night smell” (West 108, emph. mine). Freud is clearest on the requisite abjection of the olfactory for the humanized subject in Civilization and its Discontents, where he outlines his theory of “organic repression.” Here, Freud imagines early man’s transition from a quadruped to a biped and the various results of this rising up from an animal way of being. Walking upright brings about the rejection of formerly stimulating smells- particularly blood and feces-and the consequent transition from an olfactory mode of sensing to a specular one. Evadne’s snorting and sniffing for George cleanly distill her bestial nature.

George and Evadne soon realize that they “must kill each other.” The subsequent descriptions of their emotional states are rendered in the somewhat trite Manichean terms that have been wearying to critics of West’s work. Once the two perceive that “God is war and his creatures must fight” (110), West rehearses a series of binary oppositions to represent their struggle. The most interesting moment in this section occurs when Evadne briefly doubts her own power: “The illusion passed like a moment of faintness [. . .]. In the material world she had a thousand times been defeated into making prudent reservations and practicing unnatural docilities. But in the world of thought she had maintained unfalteringly her masterfulness in spite of the strong yearning of her temperament towards voluptuous surrenders.” Here, it seems, the narrator tips a hand to reveal that Evadne may have specific animal proclivities that occasionally get the upper hand, though her “virtue” lies in the ability to control those urges when necessary. The telling counterpoint here may be in Evadne’s ability to acknowledge animality as such within the human subject, while George panics at the unsanitized “human.” The contrast is immediately rendered in the shift to George’s point of view: “Sweating horribly, he had dropped his head forward on his chest: his eyes fell on her feet and marked the plebeian moulding of her ankle, which rose thickly over a crease of flesh from the heel to the calf. The woman was course in grain and pattern” (111). Despite his own sweat-secreting corpus, then, George projects materiality onto Evadne only, who is again imaged as a patterned, wild creature.

Their battle is played out in the material register, a plane of immanence that George has imagined himself to transcend. No\netheless, “they fell body to body into the quarrelling waters” (111, emph. mine). George finds himself in unfamiliar territory additionally because he has always “loathed and dreaded” action, a fear perfectly in keeping with his hyper-spiritual worldview. Practically drowning in the lake waters and hanging from a rock, he is again presented as physically and psychologically feeble: “A part of him was in agony, for his arm was nearly dragged out of its socket and a part of him was embarrassed because his hysteria shook him with a deep rumbling chuckle that sounded as though he meditated on some unseemly joke” (112).

What brings him to his senses is the feel of his wife’s piscine body in the water: “A certain porpoise=like surface met his left foot. Fear dappled his face with goose flesh. Without turning his head he knew what it was. It was Evadne’s fat flesh rising on each side of her deep furrowed spine through the rent in her bathing dress.” This final association of his wife with the marine world begets a mock-Herculean effort to kill her as George “saw his wife as the curtain of flesh between him and celibacy, and solitude and all those delicate abstentions from life which his soul desired” (112). He confidently puts his hand on her “seal-smooth head” and drowns her, noting that “To the end the creature persisted in turmoil, in movement, in action” (113).

George’s belief that he has engineered the “extinction” of his animal-wife brings about a momentary jubilation and sense of triumph against the non-human. Thinking himself a very strong man, George has a transcendent experience reminiscent of the Derridean sacrificial structure in which “his body fell out of knowledge. [. . .] He knew unconsciousness, or rather the fullest consciousness he had ever known. For the world became nothingness, and nothingness which is free from the yeasty nuisance of matter and the ugliness of generation was the law of his being” (113, emph. mine). This passage conflates the animal, woman, and black in a remarkably foul sexualized and gestational associative gesture. It also imagines the solidification of George’s masculinized,white subjectivity as that which must eliminate its various others. The violent sacrifice of animality necessary in this humanist framework is revealed perfectly by George’s socalled “generous” thoughts about his wife who he believes dead: “‘If she had married a butcher or a veterinary surgeon she might have been happy’ he said” (114). The shocking implication here is that such a bestial woman needs to be sexually mastered by one who slaughters or vivisects. In this way, the butcher metaphor circumscribes George’s ultimate fantasy of control and annihilation of his racial, sexual, and nonhuman other. The violence of this epithet points to the profound anxieties of the male humanist in the modernist moment. Applied to Evadne, it also reminds us how Derrida’s “non-criminal putting to death” of the animal is used to sanction cruelty against marginalized humans.

The final pages of the story emphasize George’s vision of himself as holy and untouched by the unclean. After he believes Evadne dead, he is transformed by spiritual visions, feeling that,”He saw God and lived” (113).When it occurs to him that he could be hanged for murder, George fantasizes about committing suicide:”He saw his corpse lying in full daylight, and for the first time knew himself certainly, unquestionably dignified” (114). Here it is only the final death of the animal body and his remaining immortal soul that can be valued. In keeping with Derrida’s and Bataille’s work on the Judeo-Christian subject, George posits himself as saintly and even spiritually generous after his specific and personal de- animalization of the world. Seeing a random fellow through a cottage window, George “interceded with God for the sake of this stranger. Everything was beautiful, beautiful, beautiful” as he descends toward his “own little house [that] looked solemn as a temple” (115- 16). This scene suggests a specifically Lvinasian reading of ethicality and the face in which it is only the human face that obliges us into responsibility. Derrida’s most recent work on animality includes a sustained critique of this position, wherein he argues that the “gaze called animal offers to my sight the abyssal limit of the human” (“Animal” 380). It is precisely such destabilizing limits that George avoids when he sympathizes with the human, male stranger.

The staggering fact that Evadne is not dead and is rather sleeping in the very bed George imagined for his suicide is tidily foreshadowed when he opens the gate to their home: “A stray cat that had been sleeping in the tuft of papas grass [. . .] fled insolently close to his legs. He hated all wild homeless things, and bent for a stone to throw at it. But instead his fingers touched a slug, which reminded him of the feeling of Evadne’s flesh through the slit in her bathing dress.” This passage clearly registers the inability to eliminate the animal from the realm of the human.Within moments, after feeling that the garden is “possessed by her presence,” he sees Evadne lying “on his deathbed” (116). George’s imagined death would have been the death of his animal body, but this actual death is that of his humanized self, a self that has attempted and failed to destroy its connection to animal ontology or being.

The association between Evadne and the animal is reiterated several times in the story’s final paragraphs. George is certain that this is his wife in body and not “a phantasmatic appearance. Evadne was not the sort of woman to have a ghost” (116). And in further de-spiritualizing thoughts, he believes that “he had never put her into danger, for she was a great lusty creature and the weir was a little place.” Finally, to cement the difference between them, he admits “Bodies like his do not kill bodies like hers” (117).

When George gets into bed, and Evadne, who sleeps on, “caressed him with warm arms,” we see the ultimate failure of his project; “He was beaten” (117). He is beaten, no less, by a semi-conscious, warm, and sensual embrace. Certainly the association of animality with a sexualized mulatto woman in this text demands a careful reading on our part since the import of such conflations has a long and sullied history. However, it is West’s narrativization of George and his point of view that is more central here. George’s project-his “reading” of Evadne, his exponential hysteria and enervation, and failed attempt to kill her-requires our critical attention. In fact, George’s attempt to “purify” himself and his world of the bestial is ultimately vain; his co-marginalization of the animal, black, and feminine becomes increasingly untenable as the story progresses. This discrediting functions primarily through the characterization of George as hysterical and weak, that is, by a kind of feminization of George himself. And while such a double bind might give feminists pause, the larger force of West’s critique exposes the assumptions and disavowals of an era.

We are compelled to ask what Evadne’s triumph signals in this story. Her presence is clearly too powerful to be eliminated by George’s presence. In this way, the animal, the bodily, the black, and the feminine prevail. These are, to use a Deleuzian term, “intensities” that have been understood to resist locatability within the symbolic. In this way, we can read West’s story as one that privileges the before or outside of representation. George’s rejection of, and attempted transcendence of, the animal is futile and buffoonish according to the text. Indeed, the stronger human functions not in contradistinction to animality but within the occasional becoming-animal of her fluid and unfixed character.

WORKS CITED

Balibar, Etienne and Immanuel Wallerstein. Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. New York: Verso, 1988.

Bataille, Georges. Theory of Religion. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Zone Books, 1992.

DeKoven, Marianne. Rich and Strange: Gender, History, Modernism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1991.

Derrida, Jacques. “The Animal That Therefore I Am (More to Follow).” Critical Inquiry 28.2 (Winter 2002): 369-418.

_____ . “‘Eating Well,’ or The Calculation of the Subject: An Interview with Jacques Derrida.” Who Comes After the Subject? Eds. Eduardo Cadava, Peter Connor, and Jean-Luc Nancy. New York: Routledge, 1991. 96-119.

Freud, Sigmund. Civilization and its Discontents. Trans. Joan Riviere. London: Hogarth Press, 1930.

McClintock, Anne. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Conquest. New York: Routledge, 1995.

Rohman, Carrie. “Burning Out the Animal: The Failure of Enlightenment Purification in H.G.Wells’s The Island of Dr. Moreau.” Figuring Animals: Essays on Animal Images in Art, Literature, Philosophy, and Popular Culture. Eds. Mary Sanders Pollock and Catherine Rainwater. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005. 121-34.

Schweizer, Bernard. Rebecca West: Heroism, Rebellion, and the Female Epic.Westport: Greenwood Press, 2002.

Shukin, Nicole. “Deleuze and Feminisms: Involuntary Regulators and Affective Inhibitors.” Deleuze and Feminist Theory. Eds. Ian Buchanan and Claire Colebrook. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2000. 144- 55.

Stoler, Ann Laura. Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault’s History of Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things. Durham, NH: Duke UP, 1995.

Torgovnick, Marianna. Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects, Modern Lives. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1990.

West, Rebecca. “Indissoluble Matrimony.” 1914. BLAST 1. Ed.Wyndham Lewis. Santa Rosa: Black Sparrow Press, 1992. 98-117.

Wolfe, Cary. Animal Rites: American Culture, the Discourse of Species, and Posthumanist Theory. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003.

Young, Robert J.C. Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race. London: Routledge, 1995.

CARRIE ROHMAN, assistant professor of English at the University of Pittsburgh, Johnstown, h\as published essays on D.H. Lawrence and H.G.Wells. Her essay on identity and the discourse of species in Djuna Barnes’s Nightwood is forthcoming in American Literature. She has recently completed a book manuscript entitled Stalking the Subject: Animal Alterities and the Production of Modernism.

Copyright MOSAIC Mar 2007

(c) 2007 Mosaic : a Journal for the Interdisciplinary Study of Literature. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Hills Pet Nutrition Recalls Dry Cat Food for Fear of Tainted Wheat Gluten

By TOBI COHEN

TORONTO (CP) – A massive North American pet food recall got even bigger Friday as Hills Pet Nutrition recalled one of its brands of dry cat kibble for fear it contained melamine, the same toxin that forced Menu Foods to pull “cuts and gravy” products from shelves across the continent.

Hills recalled its Prescription Diet m/d Feline Dry food after melamine, a chemical used as a fertilizer in Asia and also to make plastic kitchenware, was identified as the likely culprit in the Menu Foods recall – one of the largest of its kind ever in North America.

“Hill’s is taking this precautionary action because during a two-month period in early 2007, wheat gluten for this product was provided by a company that also supplied wheat gluten to Menu Foods,” the company said in a statement on its website.

“U.S. Food and Drug Administration tests of wheat gluten samples from this period show the presence of a small amount of melamine.”

The recalled food represents less than 0.5 per cent of all Hill’s products, the company said.

The tainted wheat gluten was produced in China and distributed by a lone unidentified American company, U.S. Food and Drug Administration and Cornell University scientists said Friday.

Their findings contradict the New York State Food Laboratory’s tests, which pointed to aminopterin – a rat poison – as the likely culprit.

The important thing is that officials have isolated wheat gluten as the tainted ingredient, said Paul Henderson, CEO of Menu Foods, the Mississauga, Ont., pet food manufacturer at the centre of one of the continent’s largest-ever consumer-product recalls.

“Regardless of what might be the causative agent, the vehicle that delivered the problem into our supply chain was the wheat gluten,” Henderson told a news conference Friday.

“The fact that we now have that comfort allows us to stand up and say that we’re not using the wheat gluten anymore and that the products that were manufactured subsequent to the 6th of March are safe.”

At a news conference in Washington, U.S. Food and Drug Administration officials said a batch of the tainted wheat gluten, provided by an unnamed American supplier, was also shipped to a company that manufactures dry pet food.

Officials are still trying to determine whether the company actually used any of the tainted wheat gluten in its dry pet food, said Stephen Sundlof, director of the FDA’s Center for Veterinary Medicine.

Sundlof would not release the name of the dry food manufacturer, although no additional recalls have been announced.

Menu Foods (TSX:MEW.UN) announced March 16 it was recalling some 60 million cans and pouches of wet dog and cat food, all of it marketed under 95 different brand names, 10 days after concerns about the “cuts and gravy” style products first surfaced.

It remained unclear how melamine – a chemical used to make plastic kitchenware that’s also used as a fertilizer in Asia, but banned for that purpose in the U.S. – found its way into the wheat gluten that was used in the manufacturing process, Henderson said.

Nor was it clear why earlier tests identified the foreign agent as aminopterin, a finding U.S. Food and Drug Administration officials said they were unable to confirm.

Anecdotal evidence suggests hundreds, if not thousands, of animals have been affected. Henderson said Menu Foods has fielded more than 300,000 calls from concerned pet owners, and confirmed it will compensate customers for veterinary bills as a result.

The FDA said it has fielded about 8,000 complaints.

“All of us at Menu Foods want to express our sympathy to those people who have suffered with sickness and loss of pets,” Henderson said.

“We are pet people. We have almost a thousand caring employees who are dedicated to making food that is safe, nutritious and palatable.”

Henderson said Menu Foods has stopped using the wheat gluten supplier in question, but refused to name the company, saying U.S. authorities were still investigating and that the contamination could become the subject of legal action.

“One supplier’s products were adulterated in a manner that was not part of any known screening process for wheat gluten,” he said. “The source of that adulteration has been identified and removed from our system.”

The news gave a boost to units of Menu Foods Income Fund, which closed 16 cents higher Friday at C$4.05 on the Toronto Stock Exchange.

Earlier Friday, the FDA said it found melamine in samples of the pet food, as well as in wheat gluten used as an ingredient in the “cuts-and-gravy” style products.

Cornell University scientists also found melamine in the urine of sick cats and in the kidney of one cat that died after eating the tainted food.

The FDA said it was working to rule out the possibility that the contaminated wheat gluten could have made it into any human food, but was not aware of any risk to people.

Nurse Staffing By Patient Acuity Bill Awaits Illinois State Senate Vote

CHICAGO, March 29 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ — Senate Bill 0867, Nurse Staffing by Patient Acuity, passed out of the Senate Committee and is now before the entire Senate! The deadline for all bills before the Senate is March 30th. Nurses from all over the state are urgently lobbying their legislators to support this staffing plan.

For over 100 years, the Illinois Nurses Association (INA) has been representing Illinois nurses with unwavering advocacy for workplace issues to promote patient safety and quality nursing care. INA is spearheading legislation to require nurse staffing in hospitals to be based on patient acuity (needs).

SB 867 requires each hospital throughout Illinois to implement a written staffing plan aligning patient care needs with registered nurse expertise. In addition to the baseline written staffing plan, each hospital shall further implement a patient acuity tool to provide direction in determining additional nursing staff needed due to ever-changing patient care acuity.

“The Illinois Nurses Association policy states that in order to provide quality patient care the needs of our patients must be taken into account, and linked to nurse expertise, when determining staffing needs,” said Pam Robbins, 2nd Vice-President of INA.

A state-wide mandated fixed staffing ratio does not take into consideration several factions. For example, one nurse can be assigned four patients during her shift. If any of those patients becomes acutely ill, requiring more intensive assessments or additional emergent treatments, the nurse is still expected to provide care to her entire assignment as the staffing ratio dictates. A specifically required ratio does not take into consideration the nursing staff expertise. Staffing without considering patient acuity would not be in the best interest of either the patients or the nurses.

Further, the hallmark of SB 867 is the requirement for participation of direct care staff nurses in determining both the written staffing plan and in identifying the patient acuity tool. A Nursing Care Committee, comprised of 50% direct care staff nurses, not only will identify the various staffing options in relation to patient needs and nurse expertise, but will also review the efficiency of the plan.

“Nursing literature and research support that with increased participation by nurses who are at the bedside on a day-to-day basis improves patient care outcomes and improves the working conditions for the nurse,” said, Robbins.

INA looks forward to working with other nursing organization, hospitals and legislators to create a better staffing system for Illinois hospitals. Data from the Institute of Medicine study on study on safe healthcare delivery systems demonstrates the necessity of input from the direct care registered nurses. INA’s support of an acuity-based staffing is supported in their position statements. These include, but are not limited to, the American Nurses Association, Academy of Medical-Surgical Nurses, American Psychiatric Nurses Association and Emergency Nurses Association.

“The Illinois Nurses Association continues to build support for SB 867 by working collectively with nurses throughout the state of Illinois. We have noted an exponential increase in the number of nurses involved in grassroots lobbying as important nursing issues are being addressed in the legislature,” said Mildred Taylor, Chair Government Relations Committee, the legislative component of the Illinois Nurses Association.

To that end, more than 2,000 nurses and student nurses are expected for Nurse Lobby Days, April 24 and 25, 2007 to discuss SB 867 and other issues before the Illinois legislature.

“As a staff nurse, I believe nurses should support staffing by patient acuity. Patient conditions can change at a moments notice, and we need to have a voice in staffing decisions that will ultimately affect patient care,” said Taylor.

INA acknowledges that hospitals vary in size, complexity of care, nursing expertise and experience. SB 867, Patient Acuity Staffing Plan, provides flexibility for each hospital to meet the ever-changing patient care acuity linked to nurse staffing with required input of direct care registered nurses.

The Illinois Nurses Association (INA), a constituent member of the American Nurses Association and the United American Nurses, AFL-CIO, is the largest professional organization representing registered nurses throughout Illinois. The INA is dedicated to advancing the nursing profession by fostering high standards of nursing practice, promoting the economic and general welfare of nurses in the workplace, projecting a positive and realistic view of nursing, and by lobbying the legislature and regulatory agencies on health care issues affecting nurses and the public.

Illinois Nurses Association

CONTACT: Amy Taylor, +1-312-419-2900, or Cell – +1-708-214-2900; or TomRenkes, +1-312-339-9509, all for Illinois Nurses Association

Alexion Pharmaceutical Sets Price for New Drug: $389,000 a Year

By David Krechevsky, Waterbury Republican-American, Conn.

Mar. 27–A Cheshire, Conn., pharmaceutical company has set the price for a new drug to treat a rare blood disorder at more than $389,000 a year. Despite the hefty price for the new drug, trade-named Soliris, Alexion Pharmaceuticals Inc. is determined to make the drug available to anyone who needs it. It plans to help needy patients find financial aid, either from insurance companies or other sources, and is setting up its own charitable foundation.

Company officials took part in a conference call and audio Webcast with shareholders and corporate analysts Monday morning to discuss the launch of Soliris, which the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved earlier this month.

Soliris, or eculizumab, treats a rare blood disorder called paroxysmal nocturnal hemoglobinuria, or PNH, which can lead to disability and premature death. The first vials of Soliris are expected to be shipped next week, officials said.

Both the FDA and the European Agency for the Evaluation of Medicinal Products have designated Soliris an “orphan” drug. Under the Orphan Drug Act of 1983, companies that develop drugs for rare disorders are eligible for tax cuts on research costs. They also retain exclusive marketing rights to their product for seven years in the United States and 10 years in the European Union following its approval, according to the FDA.

Alexion officials estimate that just 8,000 to 10,000 people in North America and Europe are afflicted with PNH. “Our goal is that every patient who can benefit from Soliris will have access to Soliris,” David Hallal, vice president of U.S. commercial operations, said during the Webcast.

To accomplish that, the company will assign a registered nurse as a case manager for each patient seeking the drug. The nurses, who will be based in Connecticut, “have extensive insurance and health care industry expertise” and will help patients find financial aid. In addition to the case managers, Alexion has formed a nonprofit corporation, the Alexion Complement Foundation, a charity for qualified patients who don’t have insurance.

David W. Keiser, president and chief operating officer, said Alexion set the wholesale price at nearly $5,000 per vial based on a number of factors, including the rarity of the disease, development and production costs, and “the cost to sustain the commitment to the PNH community.” The price is comparable to other orphan drugs, he said, citing the $400,000 price for myozyne, which treats Pompe disease, an often fatal disorder of the heart; and the more than $800,000 price for elaprase, which treats Hunter’s Syndrome, a rare genetic disorder. Abbey S. Meyers, president of the Danbury-based National Organization for Rare Disorders Inc., said high prices often are necessary for orphan drugs.

“If a company is going to develop a drug for high blood pressure or some other common disease, they can put a little bit of profit on each pill and make a lot of money,” she said. “If they make a medicine for a limited number of people, they wouldn’t be able to make a profit doing that.”

Companies need to make a profit to recover their development costs and to support research on other drugs, she said. “It will be some years before Alexion can make a profit” on Soliris, Meyers said. The drug was in development for 15 years, and the company has yet to post a profitable quarter.

Keiser said Alexion is aware the price is steep, but is doing what it can to help.

“When you have a therapy that in fact has very compelling clinical benefits for those patients, in our view it’s our obligation to bring that therapy to those patients,” he said.

SOLIRIS AT A GLANCE

–Manufacturer: Alexion Pharmaceuticals Inc., Cheshire

–Vial size: 300 milligrams

–Vial price: $4,992 (wholesale)

–Dosage: 900 milligrams, 26 treatments per year

–Dosage price: $389,376 (wholesale)

ON THE WEB:

–Alexion: www.alexionpharm.com

–National Organization for Rare Disorders Inc.: www.rarediseases.org

—–

To see more of the Waterbury Republican-American, or to subscribe to the newspaper, go to http://www.rep-am.com.

Copyright (c) 2007, Waterbury Republican-American, Conn.

Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News.

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Complete Care Medical, Inc. Finalizes Distributor Agreement in Brazil

Complete Care Medical, Inc. (PINKSHEETS: CCMI) has finalized an agreement with Milton Maciel to represent and distribute its Malaria products in Brazil and South America. “Milton Maciel is the former Secretary of Agriculture of Brazil and is a worldwide authority regarding rural farming and agriculture,” states President and CEO of Complete Care Medical, Inc., J.P. Monteverde lll. The CEO continues, “We are excited to have such a distinguished gentleman join the CCMI team in assisting us in the deployment of our products in the South American region.”

“Malaria is a huge problem in South America,” said former Minister Maciel.

Monteverde states, “There are two challenges before us. The first challenge of having an effective product to fight Malaria has already been overcome because we have that product. The second is deployment in remote areas and that’s where former Minister Maciel will liaison with other high level officials of Brazil in order to provide distribution of CCMI’s Malaria products. His efforts will focus within the Brazilian Departments of Agriculture, Communications and Health.

Complete Care Medical, Inc. is goal oriented to provide cost effective and convenient direct-to-consumer medical products and services that maximize revenue opportunities for its partners and shareholders. The company’s focus is disease specific medical supplies, pharmaceuticals and nutrition.

About Complete Care Medical, Inc.

Complete Care Medical, Inc. provides patients in all 50 states and around the world with lower cost alternatives for disease management, medical supplies, prescription pharmaceuticals and nutritional products. In addition, Complete Care Medical’s discount services and medication program offer healthcare payers, healthcare providers, healthcare professionals, and patients easy access to utilization and compliance data in order to improve patient outcomes and quality of life. Website: www.ccmedicalinc.com

Forward-Looking Statements: This press release may contain certain forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities and Exchange Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities and Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, which are intended to be covered by the safe harbors created thereby. Investors are cautioned that all forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties.

All information in this release is as of the date of this release. The Company undertakes no duty to update any forward-looking statement to conform the statement to actual results or changes in the Company’s expectations.

 Contact: Martin McIntyre Market Ideas, Inc. Telephone:  877.295.3981 ext. 2 Email: [email protected]

SOURCE: Complete Care Medical, Inc.

Body, Power, Desire: Mapping Canadian Body History

By Helps, Lisa

Taking into consideration the theoretical literature on the body generated in various disciplines and recent approaches to the body in Canadian historical writing, this essay argues that attention to the power of the body as defined by Spinoza, Nietzsche, and Gilles Deleuze can offer new possibilities for historical praxis. An exploration of works on women’s bodies and medicine, children’s bodies, the bodies of First Nations peoples, and the treatment of dead bodies, as well as a discussion of the author’s work on vagrancy, homelessness, and city building on Canada’s west coast, demonstrates that doing history through the body does not simply mean doing body history. Conceiving the body as a site of historical investigation can flesh out and shed new light on many seemingly disembodied historical processes, such as relationships between children and parents, colonization, community development, and city building.

En tenant compte de la littrature thorique sur le corps provenant de plusieurs disciplines ainsi que des perceptions rcentes du corps dans les rcits historiques canadiens, le prsent article avance que l’attention mise sur le pouvoir du corps, tel que dfini par Spinoza, Nietzsche et Gilles Deleuze, peut offrir de nouvelles possibilits en matire de praxie historique. Une tude des oeuvres sur le corps des femmes et la mdecine, le corps des enfants, le corps des membres des Premires nations et le traitement des cadavres ainsi qu’une discussion de l’oeuvre de l’auteure sur le vagabondage, le sans- abrisme et la construction urbaine sur la cte ouest du Canada dmontrent qu’tudier l’histoire en mettant l’accent sur le corps ne signifie pas tudier l’histoire du corps. En utilisant le corps comme un lieu d’enqute historique, il est possible d’expliquer et de dtailler plusieurs processus historiques qui semblent sans contexte, comme les rapports entre les enfants et les parents, la colonisation, le dveloppement communautaire et la construction urbaine.

In 1995, Caroline Bynum published an article in Critical Inquiry entitled, “Why All the Fuss about the Body? A Medievalist’s Perspective.” We can see Bynum’s 1995 intervention both as a rear- view mirror and as a crystal ball. It is difficult to cite a cause or beginning point for “all the fuss.” The feminist struggle of the 1960s and 1970s for legal access to abortion and women’s control over their own bodies brought the body, reproduction, and life itself irreversibly into the domain of public scrutiny and debate. In this same period, people of colour fought for the inclusion of their bodies into exclusionary spaces, and lesbians and gay men battled to protect both their bodies and their sexual practices from the reach of the state. In the academy in 1984, sociologist Bryan Turner called for “renewed attention to the body” in The Body and Society: Explorations in Social Theory, which provoked a range of responses and a ripple effect in the humanities and social sciences (Fraser and Greco 2005, 1). The translation into English of Michel Foucault’s Discipline and Punish and the History of Sexuality provided scholars with new ways of thinking about how bodies are made and how they are made productive. Taken together, these and other factors contributed to the increasing prominence of the body as a site of scholarly inquiry, creating, by 1995, a fuss indeed. Since the mid-1990s, there has been a proliferation of publications and conference presentations on the body, so much so that it is possible to assert that the humanities and social sciences have taken a corporeal turn.1 My interest, as a Canadian historian immersed in the theoretical and historical literatures dealing with the body, is how Canadian historians have approached the body, and, more specifically, the degree to which they have been engaged in and influenced by the recent turn to the body. I also want to consider how theoretical insights generated outside the discipline of history can offer a useful way into body history. A focus on the body, I argue, can allow historians to ask new questions of their sources and subjects; or, put another way, bodies can offer new ways into seemingly old problems.

Some historians might argue that there is nothing new about studying the body. Since the emergence of the “new” social history in the 1970s, the body has indeed surfaced, to varying degrees, in histories of medicine, sexuality, gender, children, violence, sports, immigration, labour, religion, war, and colonialism. Such efforts of historians have led, in a sense, to a corporealizing of Canadian history, a recovering of a vast array of bodies: female bodies in early-nineteenth-century Montreal censured for cross- dressing and loitering in the streets and green spaces (Poutanen 2002; see also Valverde 1991; Strange 1995; Iacovetta 1999); turn- of-the-twentieth-century male bodies connecting through holes in lavatory walls (Maynard 1994; see also Kinsman 1996); children’s bodies in negotiation with their parents (Gleason 1999; see also Barman 2004; Bates 1985); women’s bodies violated and abused (Lepp 2007; Walker 2004; Dubinsky 1993); male bodies in the boxing ring (Wamsley and Whitson 1998), on the lacrosse field (Bouchier 1994), and engaged in dueling matches (Morgan 1995); increasingly robust bodies of turn-of-the-twentieth-century female athletes (Smith 1988; see also Lenskyj 1986; Vertinsky 1900);2 “dangerous” bodies of “foreign men” during the Cold War (lacovetta 2000); labouring bodies and bodies as machines (Forestall 2005; Comacchio 1998; Steedman 1997; Iacovetta 1992; Radforth 1987); bodies healed by faith (Opp 2002; Jasen 1998); bodies of soldiers suffering from battle exhaustion (Duffin 1996; Copp and McAndrew 1990); and First Nations bodies colonized (Kelm 2001; Lux 2001; Carter 1999; Van Kirk 1980).

Given the great range of works on the body, how can we best assess the emerging field of what I will call “Canadian body history”? In many of the studies cited above, bodies do indeed appear, flesh out arguments, and make class relations and processes of gendering and racialization more tangible. What I want to focus on here are certain recent works in which the authors formulate their arguments and analyses through the body, that is, recent works in which the body is the central site of investigation. First, however, we must ask and answer what is a body? How are bodies “made”? What is embodiment? An embodied negotiation? There is no simple way to answer any of these questions. Indeed, an attempt to grapple with them, especially the first, reveals a series of contradictions that are best conceived as tensions. Still, it seems clear that, as some of the historical works considered below illustrate, the incorporation of theory-or at least an unpacking of seemingly simple terms-can lead to more conceptual and analytical clarity. I begin, then, in theory. Next, I move to a detailed exploration of some key recent Canadian works on the body. Finally, I consider how my own recent research on the history of city building, vagrancy, and homelessness on Canada’s west coast draws on and seeks to contribute to both the theoretical literature and the Canadian works that have laid the important groundwork for studying the history of the body and embodiment in Canada.

The Body and Embodiment: Theoretical Concepts

I choose the work of French philosopher Gilles Deleuze as a point of theoretical departure because it is helpful in conceiving the body as something that is always becoming and in understanding this becoming in relation to other bodies. Deleuze reinvigorates Spinoza’s conception of the body. As Michael Hardt points out, Spinoza contended that “a Body is not a fixed unit with a stable or static internal structure. On the contrary, a body is a dynamic relationship whose internal structure and external limits are subject to change” (Hardt 1990). For Deleuze, the body is the most basic organ of life. It is a social organ whose structure and limits change in relationship with other bodies. It desires to connect to other organic and inorganic bodies to form assemblages, which are themselves also bodies. Deleuze asserts, in conversation with Michel Foucault, that “desire [not power as Foucault argued] makes the social field function” (Deleuze 1997). According to Deleuze, desire is not a lack. It is a process, not a structure. It is an event, not a thing or person. In his words, “above all [desire] implies the constitution of a field of immanence or a ‘body without organs’… this body is as biological as it is collective and political; it is on this body [without organs] that assemblages make and unmake themselves” (1997). The “body without organs” is a plane of immanence from which the social field emerges.3 Assemblages are living beings (for example, humans, animals, plants) and things that come together in particular configurations in particular times and places. Assemblages are continually making and unmaking themselves through lines of flight, movements of deterritorialization. Furthermore, Deleuze maintains that lines of flight are primary; they constitute the “cartography of the social field” (1997). In other words, movement, or becoming, is primary. Ontologically speaking, then, and relevant to examining bodies historically, the being of the body is a becoming. Or, simply put, bodies are al\ways becoming; however, according to Deleuze, “systems of power will plug and bind,” will attempt to reterritorialize these becomings, these lines of flight. Systems of power (for example, the law and the state) are related to the body’s becoming and the making and unmaking of assemblages not only, as Foucault would have it, through normalization and discipline but also through coding and reterritorialization (Deleuze 1997).

To suggest how these theoretical insights might work historically, I briefly consider the case of Joseph J. On 15 May 1881, Joseph was brought before the police court in Victoria, British Columbia, for “loitering in the road and for vagrancy.” The superintendent of police reported to the magistrate that, only last week, Joseph had promised to “leave the country.” He had gone to Washington but had come back on the next steamer and “here he is again!” According to the Daily British Colonist, Joseph defended himself most emphatically against the vagrancy charge: “I’m not guilty your Honor,” he declared. “Leastwise, I don’t think any man as has a bit of ‘bacco in his clothes can be called a vagrum” (Daily British Colonist 1881, 3). The magistrate thought otherwise and sentenced Joseph to three months at hard labour breaking rock in the chain gang. We might see the magistrate’s sentence as an attempt to discipline and normalize Joseph J.’s body: the magistrate condemned him to work in the gang, attempted to make him productive, and subjected him to prison disciplinary regimes. We might also think of Joseph J. as a boat-man-water assemblage, however, deterritorializing, fleeing to Washington, and becoming, through desire (desire to return to Victoria, desire to loiter and smoke with his friends, desire to be affected by tobacco and conversation in a familiar place), a road-man-tobacco assemblage. By arresting Joseph J., the superintendent of police (a gun-man-uniform assemblage) blocked this desiring assemblage, he reterritorialized it, removed it from the street, and impeded it from embodying public space in seemingly undesirable ways. The magistrate coded the road- man-tobacco assemblage as “vagrant” and again reterritorialized this assemblage through hard labour in the prison to becoming a chain- man-rock assemblage. In these two different readings, I am not merely saying the same thing in different words; in the disciplinary and normalizing reading of the body, systems of power, and, of course, resistance to these systems-perhaps once in jail Joseph J. refused to work-make the body. In the second reading, it is desire that drives becoming and systems of power that bind or block this becoming.

What is the quality of this desire? The body in its movements and its connections with other bodies is motivated by a desire to increase its power. The critical concept here is the power of the body, which has a different timbre and quality than the systems of power just described. The power of the body connects. Deleuze draws on Spinoza and works through Nietzsche to define the power of the body as its capacity to affect and be affected (Deleuze 1983, 62; see also Thrift 2004, 59-61; Patton 2000, 49-67). To increase the power of the body is to increase this capacity. In assessing Deleuze’s work on Nietzsche, Michael Hardt maintains that there are two important points to consider in terms of the power of the body: “First, this power to be affected never deals with a possibility, but it is always actualized in relations with other bodies. secondly, this power defines the receptivity of a body not as a passivity but as ‘an affectivity, a sensibility, a sensation'” (Hardt 1990).

There are three key points to take away from this short discussion of Deleuze’s work. First, if historians think of the body not as a fixed or stable unit but as something that is always becoming in and through its movements and its connections with other beings and things, we can examine these becomings historically and scrutinize the making and unmaking of assemblages. second, if we concede that it is desire that is primary in the social field, the desire of bodies to connect with other bodies, to affect and be affected, to sense and be sensed, then we must understand systems of power as reactive. The law and the state, for example, are reactions that attempt to plug, block, or bind the desiring lines of flight through which becoming bodies connect, and through which bodies become. Third, when we think of the body through Deleuze as a desiring organ whose power lies in its capacity to engage with, to affect, and to be affected by other bodies, we can conceive of the body as the motor of history.

Undeniably, however, the body is also a product of history, a product or an effect of systems and technologies of power and disciplinary regimes. Foucault’s arguments about the production and normalization of the body in Discipline and Punish have been widely circulated so I will not recapitulate them here (1977). Judith Butler’s reading of Foucault’s work is perhaps less well known. She argues that “what constitutes the fixity of the body, its contours, its movements, will be fully material, but materiality will be rethought… as power’s most productive effect” (1993, 2). To recognize the body as an effect of power is not enough for Butler. She pushes Foucault further and insists that “it will be as important… to ask after how bodies which fail to materialize provide the necessary ‘outside,’ if not the necessary support, for the bodies which, in materializing the norm, qualify as bodies that matter” (1993, 16). There is a tension here with the work of Deleuze, for whom there is no “necessary outside” no “constitutive outside,” no “outside” at all.4 As we shall see, however, some of the works considered below illustrate that Butler’s conception of the body is as critical as that of Deleuze to understanding the workings and the makings of bodies historically. That is, they examine the fates and consequences of bodies that did not “materialize the norm” and simultaneously provided the necessary support for the bodies that came to matter in nineteenth-and twentieth-century Canada.

Even after working through Deleuze, Foucault, and Butler, we have not adequately answered the questions “What is a body?” and “How are bodies made?” Ultimately concerned with the production of space, Henri Lefebvre’s discussion of the fetishization of products is crucial for understanding the body as a product of history. Working from Marx, he argues that “products and the circuits they establish (in space) are fetishized and so become more ‘real’ than reality itself-that is, than productive activity itself…. Merely to note the existence of things … is to ignore what things at once embody and dissimulate, namely social relations and the forms of those relations” (1991, 81). Although he goes on to use this basic premise to examine the production of space, it can also be used to historicize the body. Rather than starting with the premise that the body is “real,” historians can ask what activities (e.g., childbirth, religious healing, colonization, dissection) produced specific bodies (e.g., the maternal body, the body of faith, the colonized body, the object of medicine). Furthermore, it is necessary to understand productive activities and the bodies they give rise to as simultaneously material and discursive. In the words of feminist geographers Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, it is crucial to investigate the “entwinement, to the point of simultaneity rather than unity, of the discursive body-through inscription, signification, complicity-and the material body-through activity, sensation, modification” (2002, 37).

Finally, it is necessary to define the theoretical concept of embodiment. In “The Body as Method?” historian Kathleen Canning suggests that the notion of embodiment, “a far less fixed and idealised concept than body,” might be useful for studying the body in history, in that it “encompasses moments of encounter and interpretation, agency and resistance” (1999, 505). Similarly, philosopher N. Katherine Hayles argues that “embodiment is contextual, enwebbed within the specifics of place, time, physiology and culture that together comprise enactment. Embodiment never coincides exactly with the ‘body'” (1993, 154-55). Echoing this definition, Moss and Dyck define embodiment as “those lived spaces where bodies are located conceptually and corporeally, metaphorically and concretely, discursively and materially, being simultaneously part of bodily forms and their social constructions” (2002, 55). They argue that embodiment is about being connected, temporally and historically, to other discursive and material entities-other bodies-in concrete practices, politically, culturally, socially, economically, and spatially (2002, 55). It is the concept of embodiment that allows us to link Deleuze, Foucault, Butler, and Lefebvre together. In short, embodiment is the mode through which bodies are in the world. In Deleuzian terms, embodiment is the mode through which bodies become, it is the lines of flight, the deterritorializations and reterritorializations through which assemblages are made and unmade. Through Foucault and Butler, embodiment is the means by which bodies are produced as effects of systems of power; embodied negotiations are the ways in which bodies resist within these systems. Following Lefebvre, embodiment is the productive activity, the social relations, through which bodies are made; an examination of embodiment is the examination of this material and discursive making.

The Body as a Site of Investigation

In this section, I examine a small body of work that lays a foundation for Canadian body history.5 The works considered here are foundational precisely because they privilege the body as a site of investigation. Approaching the body in this way does not mean scrutinizing the individual body. As the discussio\n of Deleuze illustrates, the individual biological body is never only itself. Indeed, all of the studies considered below map histories of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Canada through the body. Those most successful in doing so not only demonstrate that the institutionalization of medicine, colonization, or the building of community must be understood as processes of embodied negotiation; they also flesh out hitherto amorphous aspects of each of these processes and by so doing point to new possibilities for historical practice. Together, these works deal with the following themes: women’s bodies and medicine, children’s bodies, First Nations people’s bodies, and finally, dead bodies. What these studies all point to is the understanding that by doing history through the body, historians are never only doing body history.

I turn first to medicine, where the body is both the most obvious and the primary site of intervention and practice. Many works in the history of medicine, and in particular those that deal with birth control, pregnancy, and abortion, address these issues through an investigation of the social, legal, and political relations surrounding them, so much so that women’s bodies themselves tend to be eclipsed (McLaren 1993; Jasen 1997; Dodd 1983). Wendy Mitchinson’s The Nature of Their Bodies: Women and Their Doctors in Victorian Canada provides an early and significant antidote to this tendency of medical history to disembody women. In this seminal work, Mitchinson argues that, since medicine and culture are inextricably linked, one useful way to study women’s lives in the past is to examine their medical experiences (1991, 7). Her book focusses on how “sex and gender determined the [medical] treatment women received in mid-to-late nineteenth century English-speaking Canada” (8); she is interested in the treatment that women who suffered from conditions directly related to being female received from their doctors (10).6 In Giving Birth in Canada, 1900-1950, Mitchinson homes in on childbirth and extends her period of study well into the twentieth century.

Although 11 years separate the publication of these two works, taken together they can be read as an examination of a century of embodied negotiations (in the Foucauldian and Butlerian sense outlined above) between women and their doctors. Mitchinson argues that, in the first part of this century, from around 1850 to 1900, medicine was increasingly professionalized, doctors came to be seen as experts with legitimate knowledge of the body, and the “personal and body became separate and the physician looked to the latter to provide clues to disease instead of the patient who interpreted what her body was saying” (1991, 360). In the latter half of Mitchinson’s century, from 1900 to 1950, she asserts that giving birth became increasingly medicalized and doctors came to view the body as a machine. In examining how this medicalization was enacted, she aims “to see how physicians worked in their world” (2002, 10).

The Nature of Their Bodies and Giving Birth in Canada have far too many strengths to address here fully, and so I shall outline only a few. First, these books provide a starting point for Canadian body history of the medical variety both by setting a research agenda and by pointing scholars to a wide range of relevant sources. Second, Mitchinson shows that physicians saw the male body as the norm against which women’s bodies and women’s health were measured. To be a man was to be healthy, to be a woman was, by definition, to be unhealthy. In Giving Birth in Canada, this straightforward “othering” is complicated when the non-pregnant female body becomes the norm against which the pregnant body is the measured. In both equations, women come up short. A third important contribution is Mitchinson’s map of the ways in which physicians created a “normative model of birthing” over the course of the first five decades of the twentieth century through extensive record keeping, counting, measuring, and accumulating power/knowledge (2002, 162- 63,188-89, 304-305). Giving Birth in Canada can be seen as a study of the disciplining of women’s bodies. Through physicians’ increased attention to prenatal regimes of exercise and diet, general “surveillance of women throughout their pregnancies” (129), and a rise in intervention in the birthing process, women’s (pregnant) bodies were produced through various disciplinary practices. Furthermore, women, as active agents in their own right and of their own bodies, participated both by disciplining themselves (for example, adhering to recommended diets and visiting the doctor at appropriate intervals) and by demanding inductions, pain relief, and caesarian sections when they saw these interventions to be in their best interest. A fourth and related point is that in both works, Mitchinson, refusing to see women as victims, narrates a tale of agency and resistance; while considering power differentials between women and their (mostly male) doctors, she convincingly demonstrates that women could and did shape the medical care they received.

It is this last point that I wish to pursue. If scholars examine bodies through systems of power (in Mitchinson’s analysis, the discourses and practices of modern medicine), then we are bound to see historical subjects who were on the less powerful side of such systems (in this case, women patients) as resisting and reacting to and within these systems. Going back to Deleuze, however, we can usefully investigate the histories of so-called less powerful historical subjects by scrutinizing a different kind of power, the power of the body to increase its capacity to affect and be affected. Within the scope of Mitchinson’s work, some examples of this power are the capacity to bring forth life, to hear the sound of a child’s first cry, to experience relief from pain, and to die so that a child might live. By engaging Deleuze, we can conceive the desiring assemblages of woman-child-neighbour, woman-child-advice book, woman-traditional knowledge-food, woman-anesthesia-bed, ad infinitum, as active forces against which doctors reacted.7 As with the example of Joseph J. cited above, a Deleuzian reading is no simple reversal. As I will suggest in a discussion of my own work below, reconfiguring both the site where power lies and the type and timbre of (desiring) power allows historians to ask new questions about both bodies and relations of power.

Going beyond a structure-agency analysis also allows historians to move from a straightforward assertion of agency to an investigation of the ways in which historical actors created themselves as subjects. In a reading of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s work, historian Ritu Birla asks how historians can begin to sort out “the general tension between history as a narrative that produces the unitary subject with agency, and the critical impetus of historical thinking, attentive to historicity and the situated complexities of subject production” (2004; see also Birla 2002, 175- 85). In terms of Mitchinson’s work, we might ask these questions: What types of pregnant female subjects were produced through interactions with doctors in the latter half of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth centuries? How did women who relied both on their own bodily knowledges and experiences, and on the assistance, intervention, and expertise of doctors negotiate their movement within and between these different ways of knowing? Mitchinson asserts that “while many women experienced ill health for years, they continued to live their lives and continued to bear children. The health complications they presented to their physicians goes a long way to explain why so many practitioners perceived women as sickly and why they connected this ill health to the body itself; but what the actual patient records also underline is the strength of these sickly women who had lived for years in weakened health and had somehow managed to carry on” (1991, 223). The question I wish to pose then, is not, “did women have agency?” but rather, in Spivak’s words, how did women “put together a continuous-seeming self for everyday life” (1999, 238)? How did women “manage to carry on”? How did they create themselves as subjects within and between competing discourses and practices?

James W. Opp addresses this last question in “Healing Hands and Healthy Bodies: Protestant Women and Faith Healing in Canada and the United States, 1880-1930.” According to Opp, “many historians have regarded faith healing as more of an historical joke than a serious topic of inquiry,” and the few studies that do exist do not examine the practice as a gendered one. Claiming that over 80% of healing testimonials were written by women, he argues that “women were not simply a part of the divine healing movement, [sic] their bodies were the movement” (2002, 237). Rather than subsuming “a central paradox in late-Victorian perceptions of gender and the body,” he points out that women were both more “inclined to religion and more susceptible to disease” than men and women’s testimonies of healing reflected this ideology (244). By situating his study within this paradox and in/on/through the bodies of faith-healed women, Opp explores how women, through their involvement in faith healing, were able to subvert the control of physicians, reconceptualize the body, and challenge “cultural constructions of femininity and women’s bodies,” thereby creating “a means by which women could obtain a state of wellness otherwise denied them by conventional medicine” (237, 245-46).

Like Mitchinson, he begins with the premise that male bodies were seen as the healthy norm and women’s bodies the unhealthy other; but rather than viewing women’s negotiation with medical and religious norms only as agency, he looks at how “women mediated multiple discourses surrounding the nature of religion, medicin\e and the body” (2002, 237). The premise of these mediations was that the body and the divine were intimately linked: “the body had the ‘capacity’ to be healed by God” (237). He shows that women drew simultaneously on discourses of medicine and religion in their faith-healing testimonials, looks closely at how women physicians involved in faith healing were situated both inside and outside the medical paradigm, and details women’s “discourse of divine healing in childbirth.” It was particularly with regard to childbirth, Opp notes, that doctors and the medicine they represented and dispensed came under particularly virulent attack: this discourse “of divine healing in childbirth embodied how women renegotiated their relationship with medical culture” (60).

The embodied negotiations that Opp recounts seem to be primarily discursive; he sees divine health as a “discursive strategy.” The reader is left to wonder, however, how women employed this discursive strategy to shape the material conditions of their lives. What does it mean that the “discourse of divine healing embodied how women renegotiated their relationship with medical culture”? The idea of a “discourse embodying,” while compelling, must be more completely fleshed out. Opp illustrates very clearly the competing discourses that women negotiated in making themselves, as subjects of divine healing, open to, in his refrain, “taking the ‘Lord for the body'” (2002, 237, 249). What he might have attended to more carefully is the “entwinement, to the point of simultaneity” of the discursive and the material. He might have explored how discourses of faith healing / materially sick bodies were entwined, or how discourses of “faith in God” / “severe pain for 15 hours of labour” were drawn together. He might have consiered whether a particular kind of illness shaped the discursive strategy that a woman used in dealing with her ailment. Did a specific experience in childbirth shape the kinds of prayers that were needed or said, for example? Opp concludes that “it was only through the epistemological space that constructed the body as divine that a social space for challenging modern medicine could be created” (252). Surely space did not, however, construct the body as divine; women constructed- experienced their bodies as divine. It was women’s material- discursive bodily realities, and their articulations of these, that opened up a series of spaces in and through which they could pose a challenge to modern medicine.

With Mona Gleason’s “Embodied Negotiations: Children’s Bodies and Historical Change in Canada, 1930-1960,” we move from women’s bodies to those of children. In this work, Gleason addresses the disciplining of the body and the relationship between body and identity. This article is an important break in the almost complete silence in the historiography of children’s bodies in Canada. Using 24 published autobiographies of “so-called ‘ordinary’ women and men,” she argues that “children’s bodies represented an important, and largely unexplored site upon which the sometimes competing interests of adults and children were negotiated and mediated … the body was … an important through which children learned how they differed from one another and their positions in well-established hierarchies of power” (1999, 114, 113). Gleason foregrounds children’s bodies and sees them as legitimate sites of knowledge. Drawing heavily on her admittedly limited sources, she clearly illuminates how embodiment could be a tension-ridden process for children: not only did they have to navigate the power relations of parent-child relationships, but they also had to contend with the ever-present advice of experts (as filtered through their parents) and the more widespread dominant discourses of “gendered embodiment,” sexuality, and racialization, all of which she sees as related. One of her most poignant examples is of Mtis writer Maria Campbell, who, in her autobiography Half Breed, describes her mother putting her hair into ringlets: “I knew it looked ridiculous because I was always in short pants, boys’ shirts and bare feet. With warts on my hands and with such dark skin, I knew that the ringlets and me did not belong together” (cited in Gleason 1999, 120). The last phrase encapsulates the centrepiece of Gleason’s project: to expose sites of disjuncture between bodily prescriptions-whether of parents, experts, or dominant social values-and children’s remembered experiences of their embodiment. In ways similar to Opp, Gleason approaches the body and embodiment by probing how children produced themselves as subjects, how, through processes of embodied negotiation, they “put together … continuous-seeming [selves] for everyday lives” (Spivak 1999, 238).

Delineating her central concepts at the outset, Gleason notes that she uses “the word embodiment … for the remembered experiences in which the body figured prominently” and argues that “embodiment, in effect, represents a process whereby power relations between children and adults in specific historical circumstances are manifested at the level of the body” (1999, 113-14). What I find compelling is that, in Gleason’s study, everything is embodied; we encounter “embodied sexuality,””embodied gender regulation,” the harvest as a time of “embodied redemption” for boys who could work alongside men, “the spatial management of gendered embodiment,” and “the embodiment of racial difference.” I like this insistence on embodiment because it (re)inserts the body into historical writing; it re-embodies history. Gender and sexuality are obviously embodied processes, yet we rarely encounter “gendered embodiment” in the works of gender historians or “embodied sexuality” in histories of sexuality.

I also feel a certain unease with how Gleason deploys “embodiment” and “the level of the body,” however. My unease in the former case comes from a desire to reserve embodiment as a theoretical concept that allows historians to examine the becoming, the production, and the making of bodies. While Gleason certainly uses it in this way, at times there is a slippage in her work whereby “embodiment” comes to describe almost any experience. My uncertainty about “the level of the body” comes from the fact that Gleason does not define this concept. Does she mean the material body? Evidently not, as she herself demonstrates clearly that the body is always a negotiation between materiality and discourse. Is her claim that “for children of visible minorities, the body acted as a stigmatizing text: inferiority was written onto their bodies” an example of the “level of the body” (1999, 122)? To return to Spinoza and Deleuze, if the body is not a fixed or stable unit, but a “dynamic relationship,” a combinatory entity, a becoming, then we cannot speak of the level of the body. The body has no one level; it has many levels at once. In the case of “children of visible minorities,” to locate inferiority “on their bodies” functions only at the level of the skin and eclipses a variety of elements: the dominant discourses that racialize bodies, children’s negotiated location within these discourses, fears of being different, identification with a particular racialized group, and disdain for “mainstream white” society. To examine all of these levels of the body can help scholars to study the body as a dynamic relationship and to examine historically the continual making and unmaking of bodies.

Mary-Ellen Kelm’s Colonizing Bodies: Aboriginal Health and Healing in British Columbia, 1900-50 is explicitly concerned with the making of bodies. Drawing on both historian Roy Porter, who leans towards a material analysis of bodies in history, and Foucault, KeIm asserts that “arguing that the body is a social construction is not to say that the body is unreal but simply that it is unfinished, always under construction by the forces of society and culture” (2001, xvii). She maintains that “these forces are changing so that the body is never static; through its permutation the body becomes a subject of history itself” (xvii). Arguing that Aboriginal bodies were partly made “by the colonizing governance of the Canadian state and its allies, the medical profession, the churches, and the provincial government,” she seeks to “plot the patterns of [this] making” (xvii). The “reshaping and ‘re- formation'” of Aboriginal bodies, she posits, were “central to the processes of colonization in British Columbia” (177), and thus she investigates government policy and practice, the imposition of Euro- Canadian medicine, and the ongoing presence of First Nations healers and belief systems in/on/through the bodies of First Nations people. Kelm’s book pushes Canadian historiography in new directions by showing that doing Canadian body history is no simple recipe of “add the body and stir.” Not only do we learn about how First Nations people’s bodies were colonized, but also about previously shadowy elements of colonialism in BC. Kelm’s work illustrates-perhaps in as revolutionary a way as gender history-that taking the body seriously as a site of historical investigation requires a more general rethinking of the types of questions historians are able to ask and answer, the methodologies and sources we use, and the kinds of historical analyses that are possible.

Kelm understands Indigenous bodies as the principal sites of colonization, but she also illustrates how it is both possible and necessary to investigate colonization as process of embodied negotiation.8 In chapter two, she examines the impact of colonization on First Nations diet and nutrition, making important links between traditional land use and the spiritual and cultural survival of First Nations people, and analyzing the direct relationship between land and bodies. Using published First Nations sources and other secondary sources, she dissects a pre-Contact diet, examining food gather\ing and preparation, and the caloric, vitamin, and nutrient composition of key food sources.9 She suggests that although “the Aboriginal diet was not perfect, it was sufficient to support a relatively dense population exhibiting a rich and complex social organization, both on the coast and in the interior” (2001, 25). According to Kelm, in the initial Contact period, this diet was altered, but in the short term not necessarily with negative results. The establishment of reserves, however, profoundly impacted First Nations people’s diets by allocating to them the worst land, restricting their access to traditional hunting and fishing grounds, and necessitating their participation in the waged economy. Furthermore, Kelm explores the missionaries’ and health officials’ disdain for traditional foods and their efforts to encourage the consumption of non-Aboriginal foods like milk. As she puts it, “Euro-Canadian culinary imperialism … simply did not sit well in Aboriginal stomachs” (36-37). While the contents of this chapter might sound familiar to Canadian historians-the settlement of First Nations people on reserves, their increasing participation in a waged economy, missionary agendas and consequences-what is both unprecedented and critical is that Kelm reads all of these activities and practices as shaping First Nations people’s bodies in particular ways: “Take away a people’s access to adequate quantities of nutritious food,” she argues, “and soon you have a population of weakened bodies who must struggle just to survive, who cannot band together to make change, to fight back” (37). Clearly, KeIm is not solely concerned with First Nations bodies in and of themselves, but situates the weakening of First Nations people who could not “fight back” as necessary to the process of colonization in British Columbia.

First Nations people’s experiences of residential schools is another widely researched topic. Kelm’s chapter on this subject argues that “the goal of residential schooling was to ‘re-form’ Aboriginal bodies, and this they did. But the results were not the strong, robust bodies of the schools’ propaganda, well trained for agricultural and domestic labour, but weakened ones, which through no fault of their own, brought disease and death to their communities” (2001, 57). To demonstrate this, she juxtaposes the views of the school administrators, who felt that First Nations children had to be saved from the bad hygiene habits and poor living conditions of their families, with the legacy of ill-health in the schools, the high rates of tuberculosis, and the return of sick children to their families so as to avoid investigations into children’s deaths. She also examines the efforts of children and parents to subvert the colonialist agenda. Children stole food, ran away, fought back, and even committed suicide as a way of asserting control over their bodies. Parents in some communities, despairing over the illness and deaths of their children, tried to withhold them from schools.

Kelm’s careful attention to the body not as something that is, in Lefebvre’s words, “real” or in her own words, “finished,” but as a something that is continually produced, allows her to analyze the “social relations and forms of those relations” (Lefebvre 1991, 81) through which First Nations people’s bodies were made in residential schools and beyond. These schools were sites where bodies were made hungry and sick, among other things, and, with the return of sick children to their communities to die, the bodies of their families were also affected. She highlights the irony that a government policy meant to save children’s bodies often destroyed or weakened them. As in her analysis of land use, Kelm’s reading of the residential schools renders these institutions as more than sites where First Nations children were forcibly inculcated with dominant Anglo-Canadian values in order to secure their cultural assimilation; they were also designed to achieve bodily re- formation. By exploring this re-formation of Aboriginal bodies through the process of colonization, Kelm decisively asserts that although those enacting these processes did make First Nations bodies in various ways, they were not able to eradicate these bodies; First Nations bodies provide the very locus of survival.

In their 1994 article “‘Beyond the Measure of the Golden Rule’: The Contribution of the Poor to Medical Science in Nineteenth- Century Ontario,” R.D. Gidney and W.P.J. Millar are also concerned with the production of bodies. Inspired by Ruth Richardson’s 1988 landmark work, Death, Dissection and the Destitute: The Politics of the Corpse in Pre-Victorian Britain, they probe the connections between the bodies of the poor and the rise and institutionalization of modern medicine in Ontario. They depict the Anatomy Act of 1843 (and its 1885 and 1889 amendments), and the legislative and popular debates that surrounded these laws as “an aspect of class relations in Victorian Ontario which has been entirely excised from our collective memory” (1994, 219). The authors demonstrate the ways in which bodies were made through systems of power-in this case medicine and the law-and illustrate the importance of the dead bodies of the poor to both emerging medical research and practice, and the fledgling nineteenth-century state. They explain that nineteenth-century anatomy came with “heavy baggage” from the Tudor period in England when the bodies of certain criminals were dismembered or publicly dissected (220). Thus, in Upper Canada, despite the desire for well-trained physicians, “respectable citizens were not prepared to volunteer their own bodies, nor those of their own families or friends to the dissecting knife” (230). Implemented in 1843 to put an end to grave robbery by medical students, the Anatomy Act required that the body of anyone who died in a public institution and was not claimed by family or friends be handed over to medical schools or private anatomy teachers. A corresponding administrative apparatus was established, and local anatomy inspectors were appointed in communities where medical instruction took place.

Gidney and Millar outline the implications of the act and, noting that it was the poor who ended up in institutions, they conclude that “poverty and friendlessness, like crime, were to be haunted not only by the spectre of the pauper’s grave, but by dismemberment besides” (1994, 221-22). Indeed, “in the name of progress and the advancement of medical science, the Victorian friendless poor were dismembered because they were poor and friendless” (231; emphasis in original). Gidney and Millar exhibit considerable sophistication in recognizing that there is no such thing as the “real body,” but that bodies became marked (poor) through the circumstances of their death and that certain marked bodies faced consequences (dissection) in ways that other bodies did not. Furthermore, in their analysis, as in Mitchinson’s discussion of women and medicine, the bodies of the poor provided the “necessary ‘outside’ if not the necessary support” (Butler 1993, 16) for modern medicine from which the poor were perhaps least likely to benefit. Gidney and Millar’s work, however, does raise one important question: were female and male bodies put to different uses by medical science?

In “Twice Slain: Female Sex-Trade Workers and Suicide in British Columbia, 1870-1920,” Susan Johnston scrutinizes the gendered dimensions of death and the ways in which bodies were made, in part, according to how they died. Examining the deaths of 13 prostitutes, she argues that while the number who committed suicide was insignificant, the response to their deaths was not. She investigates the coroner’s inquests, probing the testimonies of the male clients, women coworkers, and acquaintances or friends “who had known and touched the body in life and in death” (1994, 149-50), as well as those of the coroner, jury, and press. To be sure, Johnston presents the body as more metaphor than material, but she sees all bodies as metaphors, not only the bodies of the dead prostitutes. She is thus able to show how the marking of certain bodies as belonging to and constituting the respectable white Anglo-Saxon communities in Vancouver and Victoria necessitated the marking of other bodies as outside of these communities.

According to Johnston, the coroner’s inquest was the critical site where the distances between bodies were reasserted and affirmed. She outlines the inquest as a function of the state concerned with securing a certain type of populace and argues that, “in fulfilling the duties of his office, the coroner actively promoted a particular vision of British Columbia as a moral Anglo- Canadian society…. He needed to possess the social status necessary to embody the state in the ritual inquisition upon the body of the deceased” (1994,149). Johnston also identifies the inquest as a process through which “the local community could define itself by identifying bodies as those of residents or strangers” (157). She examines the discursive strategies of the various witnesses, demonstrating that the men and women who knew and associated with the prostitute employed a discourse of respectability in order to distance themselves from the body of the prostitute and her act of suicide, both of which were “symbols of social disorder” (150-54). A doctor who attended the prostitute in her dying moments or performed a postmortem report, in contrast, “did not have to create a moral distance between himself and [the] deceased”; he used the narrative of the scientist and treated “the dead woman as an object, a type to be dissected” (155). Finally, Johnston maintains that the role of the press was to “translate the death” for all those not present at the inquest and, furthermore, to extol the dangers posed by racialized and/or “over-sexualized” women (161-63).

Significantly, Johnston’s \interest in how the prostitute’s body was defined and situated as outside of the domain of respectable Anglo-Canadian bodies does not lead her to ignore the male coroner’s body. There is no given, unmarked coroner’s body in her analysis; his body is a symbol of the state and the community, and it is juxtaposed with the prostitute’s body, which is then marked as the “social other.” Equally important, bodies function at the level of community. In Johnston’s conception, white Anglo-Saxon British Columbia constituted itself by clearly defining and rejecting the bodies that did not conform. In order to exclude these women, she concludes, “the press first had to control their bodies and reorder their lives” (1994, 164). While there were limits on their ability to do so, the local papers could, and according to Johnston did, declare which bodies belonged by indicating those that did not. As Mitchinson does with medicine, Kelm with colonization, and Gidney and Millar with the emerging apparatus of the nineteenth-century state, Johnston looks carefully at gender, race, community, and the state, and convincingly conceives the body as the site through which each of these was constituted.

The Body and the City: Notes on Research in Progress

My recent work investigates the relationship between the making of modern Victoria, British Columbia, in the late nineteenth century, and the regulation of bodies and public spaces. I plan to expand the site of my investigation to Vancouver, BC, and to San Francisco and Venice Beach, California, and to examine the period from the turn of the twentieth century to the turn of the twenty- first. My main question is if, when, and how the “vagrant” of the early twentieth century became the “homeless” who lay claim to the streets of all large North American cities today. In this study, the relationship between bodies and spaces remains the focal point of my analysis. Inspired by the works laid out here, I too take as a starting point the belief that bodies not only make history but are also products of history. Each of the studies, and, in particular, Kelm’s explicit focus on the “making” and “re-formation” of bodies, Mitchinson’s illustration of female bodies as the constitutive outside of modern medicine, and Gleason’s assertion that embodiment is a process of negotiation, has been helpful in my own attempts to think and practice history through the body. Equally important are the theoretical works that the historians discussed above either explicitly draw on or with which some of their work resonates.

In my work on the prison disciplinary regimes-including diet, punishment, and labour-to which those imprisoned for what I call “embodied infractions of public space” in late-nineteenth-century Victoria were subjected, I understand the bodies of the predominantly male prisoners in the Victoria Gaol as marked and made in both the Foucauldian and Lefebvrian sense, by these regimes.10 Furthermore, I argue that this ma(r)king was not contained by the prison walls but contributed to the wider project of attempting to secure the city’s public spaces from disruptive bodies.11 All prisoners in the Victoria jail were allotted a daily food intake based on whether or not they had to perform hard labour. When compared against the average daily caloric intake of “typical” workingclass men in Victoria laid out by Peter Baskerville and Eric Sager, it seems that prisoners in the Victoria jail, whether or not they were sentenced to hard labour, ate, on average, more bread, beef, potatoes, and oatmeal per day than working-class men on the “outside” (Baskerville and Sager 1998, 221-22). When we take into account the prison punishment practices, however, it becomes clear that receiving the allotted daily intake of food was not a right, but a privilege, easily and often revoked for breaking prison rules. An examination of the “Punishments Awarded for Breaches of Prison Discipline” records for all years from 1875 to 1901 reveals that by far the most common punishment was solitary confinement on bread and water, often at half rations. Almost every day between 1875 and 1901 that an inmate was punished in prison, at least one person’s punishment was a bread and water diet. A focus on the body allows me to ask: What effect did solitary confinement in the “Dark Cell” and a diet of bread and water have on the ability of prisoners to perform hard labour once released from solitary? What were the long- term impacts of this mode of punishment on the minds and bodies of people who-from want of food, lack of employment, addiction to alcohol, displacement from traditional lands, and/or want of shelter- may already have been fragile?

Prisoners’ bodies were also produced through labour, which provided the most tangible link between the making of bodies in the prison and the exclusion of these same bodies as legitimate members of the respectable public of the city. The most common form of hard labour in the Victoria jail was breaking rock in the chain gang.12 Prison rules dictated that “hard labour prisoners shall have their hair cut to one inch in length” and that “the Senior Convict Guard may refuse to allow any prisoner to go out in the Chain-gang until he is ironed to his satisfaction” (Todd 1879, 376-77). The spectacle of iron-bound, brush-cut men moving through the city streets from the jail to their rock-breaking location every day made the bodies of these men explicitly public. Through their strictly surveilled daily promenade they became marked so that, even upon release from prison, Victoria’s citizens would have come to know them as specific “chain-gang” bodies. In his first annual report in 1879, Superintendent of Provincial Police Todd made a plea for doing away with the chain gang on the grounds that “marching the prisoners through the streets in irons does not improve them morally” and that “it is a disagreeable sight to most citizens, as well as to strangers who visit” (378); yet had such a sight been truly disagreeable to citizens, surely instances of imprisonment with hard labour would have decreased rather than steadily increased between the 1870s and the rum of the twentieth century (Helps 2005,103).

We can see chain-gang labour, as well as prison diets and punishments, as an attempt to discipline, normalize, and make bodies productive. Furthermore, by breaking rock that was inevitably used to grade and level the city streets in order to make them passable- a wish articulated by city residents in countless appeals to council- prisoners provided the necessary support for the becoming modern city. Finally, marked through their labour and their potentially undernourished bodies, they also provided the necessary outside to the bodies of the respectable inhabitants of the city, the bodies that came to matter in late nineteenth-century Victoria.

There are many instances of resistance I can point to: prisoners refused to work, refused to tie their shoes when asked to, talked in their cells when told to be quiet, destroyed prison property, and swore at guards. On 24 April 1886, five male prisoners in the Victoria jail were caught “singing and making offensive noises with their mouths in their cells.” The jailer reported that “I went to the Wicket to tell Those men stop Singing and in Reply I Got a Tin of water Thrown in my face” (British Columbia 1886). This is clear evidence of resistance; yet if I engage with Deleuze and look not (only) at systems of power and how they normalize, discipline, and produce bodies, but also at the power of the body, the power to affect and be affected, to sense and be sensed, and at the motivation by desire of bodies to connect with other bodies, I can move beyond an analysis of power as it is located in the apparatus of prison. I can situate power in and through the joyful singing bodies of the men, their desire to come together in song, to become active, to create a moment of joy-a moment of song in the midst of a dreary prison night. The critical point here is that if historians locate power in the body, the body as always becoming in its connections with other bodies, then the beginning point of historical investigations of power is different. Instead of only asking about how prisoners resisted disciplinary regimes, for example, or about the characteristics of systems of power, I can also ask how, in Nietzsche’s estimation, the law is the triumph of reaction over action, how the law separates a (life)force-the power of the body-from what it can do (Deleuze 1983, 58). In short, if historians concede that power is the power of the body and that the power of the body is to connect with other bodies, we might need to reconsider the prison, the court, the law, and the state more broadly, not (only) as systems of social control or moral regulation, but also as attempts to block becoming bodies, that is, attempts to stall the motor of history.

Notes

The author wishes to thank Franca lacovetta, Annalee Lepp, Maya Gislason, and the three anonymous reviewers at the Journal of Canadian Studies, in particular the reviewer who demanded “productive scholarship.”

1. Labouring Feminism and Feminist Working-Class History in North America and Beyond, The Conference held at the University of Toronto in September 2005, is one recent example of a conference where papers on the body proliferated.

2. See also Colin Howell’s Blood, Sweat, and Cheers: Span and the Making of Modem Canada, a synthetic treatment of sport in Canada. This book covers a range of significant subjects and developments in sport history and highlights the issues of class and gender formation, capitalist transformation, and nation building. Howell demonstrates compellingly that “following Foucault we can understand sport… as a modern technology or discipline applied to shape the body and bring it into formal public display under the deliberating gaze of the audience” (2001, 107-108).

3. For moreon the body without organs, see Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (1987, 149-66).

4. In Deleuze’s philosophy everything is immanent.

5. The authors of these works might not consider themselves to be “body historians” or their work to be “body history.” This categorization is mine alone.

6. In privileging sex and gender as the analytical variables by which to examine women’s experiences of medical treatment, Mitchinson downplays race and class. In Giving Birth in Canada, 1900- 1950 (2002), her analysis is much more comprehensive in this regard.

7. Mitchinson quite rightly uses “child” rather than “fetus.” Historian Barbara Duden argues that the fetus is an “invention” of medical technology and in particular of the ultrasound (1993).

8. Her investigation is similar to Mitchinson’s in the sense that these negotiations can be conceived in a Foucauldian, Butlerian, and Lefevbrian mode.

9. The quantitative historian in me finds calorie counting and the examination of diet as one very compelling way to examine bodies in the past. See Baskerville and Sager (1998, 217, 221-22) and Bittermann, MacKinnon, and Wynn (1993, 1-43).

10. “Embodied infractions” are charges such as causing a disturbance by screaming, obstructing passengers, being a vagrant, and so on, charges in which the public itself was the “victim.” I have looked at 4,256 of such charges that came before the Victoria police court in select years between 1871 and 1901. In this period, despite the fact that women made up on average 39% of the population of the city, charges against women comprised only 607, or 14%, of the total. Further, although women were imprisoned and sometimes sentenced to hard labour, the jail employment records do not reveal exactly what women’s work in the prison was, but note that they were “variously employed” either in their cells or in the jail more generally (British Columbia 1861-1914).

11. For more details see my “Bodies Public, City Spaces: Becoming Modern Victoria, British Columbia” (2005, 92-103).

12. The chain gang was the exclusive fate of male prisoners.

References

Barman, Jean. 2004. “Encounters with Sexuality: The Management of Inappropriate Body Behaviour in Late-Nineteenth-Century British Columbia Schools.” Historical Studies in Education 16(1): 85-114.

Baskerville, Peter, and Eric W. Sager. 1998. Unwilling Idlers: The Urban Unemployed and their Families in Late Victorian Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Bates, Christina. 1985. “‘Beauty Unadorned’: Dressing Children in Late Nineteenth-Century Ontario.” Material History Bulletin 21 (1): 432-54.

Birla, Ritu. 2002. “History and the Critique of Postcolonial Reason: Limits, Secret, Value.” Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies 4 (2): 175-85.

_____. 2004. “Postcolonial Studies: Now That’s History.” Paper delivered at Can the Subaltern Speak: Reflections on the History of an Idea, 26 February, New York, NY.

Bitterman, Rusty, Robert A. MacKinnon, and Graeme Wynn. 1993. “Of Inequality and Interdependence in the Nova Scotia Countryside, 1850- 1870.” Canadian Historical Review 74 (1): 1-43.

Bouchier, Nancy, B. 1994. “Idealized Middle-Class Sport for a Young Nation: Lacrosse in Nineteenth-Century Ontario Towns, 1871- 1891.” Journal of Canadian Studies 29 (2): 89-110.

Butler, Judith. 1993. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex. New York: Routledge.

Bynum, Caroline Walker. 1995. “Why All the Fuss about the Body? A Medievalist’s Perspective.” Critical Inquiry 22 (1): 1-33.

Canning, Kathleen. 1999. “The Body as Method? Reflections on the Place of the Body in Gender History.” Gender and History 11 (3): 499- 513.

Carter, Sarah. 1999. Aboriginal People and Colonizers of Western Canada to 1900. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Comacchio, Cynthia. 1998. “Mechanomorphosis: Science, Management, and ‘Human Machinery’ in Industrial Canada, 1900-45.” Labour/Le travail 41: 35-67.

Copp, Terry, and Bill McAndrew. 1990. Battle Exhaustion: Soldiers and Psychiatrists in the Canadian Army, 1939-1945. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

Daily British Colonist. 1881. 15 May, 3.

Deleuze, Gilles. 1983. Nietzsche and Philosophy. Trans. Hugh Tomlinson. London: Athlone.

_____. 1997. “Desire and Pleasure.” Trans. Melissa McMahon. Interactivist Info Exchange: A Project of Autonomedia.org and Interactivist.net, http://slash.autonomedia.org/article.pl?sid=02/ 11/18/190227.

Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. 1987. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Brian Masumi. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press.

Dodd, Dianne. 1983. “The Hamilton Birth Control Clinic of the 1930s.” Ontario History 75 (1): 71-86.

Dubinsky, Karen. 1993. Improper Advances: Rape and Heterosexual Conflict in Ontario, 18801929. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Duden, Barbara. 1993. Disembodying Women: Perspectives on Pregnancy and the Unborn. Trans. Lee Hoinacki. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Duffin, Jacalyn. 1996. “Soldiers’ Work; Soldiers’ Health: Morbidity, Mortality, and Their Causes in an 1840s British Garrison in Canada.” Labour/Le travail 37: 37-80.

Forestall, Nancy. 2005. “Disability, Gender, and the Masculine Body: Workplace Accidents and Disease in the Gold Mining Industry of Ontario, 1915-1950.” Paper delivered at Labouring Feminism and Feminist Working-Class History in North America and Beyond, 30 September, Toronto, ON.

Foucault, Michel. 1977. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. by Alan Sheridan. New York: Vintage.

_____. 1978. The History of Sexuality Volume 1: An Introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Vintage.

Fraser, Miriam, and Monica Greco. 2005. Introd. The Body: A Reader, ed. Miriam Fraser and Monica Greco, 1-42. New York: Routledge.

Gidney, R.D., and W.P.J. Millar. 1994. “‘Beyond the Measure of the Golden Rule’: The Contribution of the Poor to Medical Science in Nineteenth-Century Ontario.” Ontario History 86 (3): 219-35.

Gleason

No, It’s Not OK to Beat Upyour Girlfriend

By Bob Kerr

I was fortunate to spend a few years on the board of the Katie Brown Educational Program. It is a wonderful and very direct way to claim something positive from tragedy.

It also confronts us with a strange and scary question or two: Is it really necessary to go into schools and tell young boys that it’s wrong to beat up their girlfriends? Are the very basics of social behavior so lost in our cluttered lifestyles that what was once taught at home by example must now be taught in school by teachers?

Yes and yes. The statistics are there. They tell us of too many young boys seriously hurting the girls they supposedly care about.

Jay Schachne, a cardiologist who practices in Fall River and lives in Barrington, started looking into the growing problem after Katie Brown’s body was found in the driveway of her boyfriend’s parents’ house in the Rumstick section of Barrington more than six years ago. Katie’s parents, Larry and Georgia Brown, are close friends of Schachne.

Ronald Posner, the girl’s boyfriend, is in prison for the murder.

What Schachne learned surprised him, as it would surprise anyone who assumes that the simple essentials of civilization are still in place. He learned, among other things, that 28 percent of high school girls in the United States experience some form of dating violence.

So he started the educational program that hires and sends educators into schools to talk to kids about serious problems that they might not see as problems at all. They talk about the warning signs, about how too much attention can be a sign of something other than affection. The boy who gives his girlfriend a cell phone, then calls her every 15 minutes, is getting into dangerous territory.

Sometimes, girls talk about the violent things they let pass because they think they have to.

The program is based in Fall River. It began in fifth-grade classrooms and moved up. It has since moved into other communities, including Barrington.

The educators I’ve talked with seem smart and aware. They tell of seeing the realization come over young boys that what they’ve been doing is not normal or acceptable or cool. It is hurtful, cowardly, possibly criminal.

Some of the students who have gone through the program have agreed to put their reactions on tape. There are some frank comments on old actions seen in a whole new way.

Now, in Rhode Island, there is a proposal that schools be required to teach students about dating violence. And it is inspired by the murder two years ago of 23-year-old Lindsay Ann Burke by her former boyfriend, Gerardo Martinez, who will be sentenced for the murder Friday.

Attorney General Patrick Lynch announced the Lindsay Ann Burke Act on Thursday on behalf of the woman’s parents, Christopher and Ann Burke, of North Kingstown. In the two years since their daughter’s death, the Burkes have been encouraging high school students to discuss relationships.

The bill would require the state Department of Education and local school districts to come up with a dating-violence policy and train staff members in dating violence. It has been referred to the House Health, Education and Welfare Committee. It should not stay there long without a hearing. The problem is not getting any better. The sooner young people learn, the sooner they stop making violent mistakes.

Another senseless murder, another relationship gone terribly wrong, has led to yet another effort to show young people the dangers in the tricky crosscurrents of personal relationships. What role the Katie Brown Educational Program would play if and when the bill is passed into law in Rhode Island has yet to be determined, although one would seem a natural to assist the other.

And at the heart of the discussion is the reminder that this is one crazy, confusing time to be a kid – mixed signals coming from everywhere, the once-solid underpinnings of home and family pulled loose, a popular culture drenched in moronic excess.

It might come as a shock to most people that a lot of 16-year- old boys are backhanding a lot of 16-year-old girls. But what’s even more shocking is that somewhere in their daily lives they found something that told them it was OK.

[email protected] / (401) 277-7252

(c) 2007 Providence Journal. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

Castor Oil Injection for Impotence

By ROGER DOBSON

A NEW injection has been shown to help six out of ten men with erectile dysfunction.

Results from a clinical trial in Germany show that 58 per cent of men responded to the injections given four times a year – of a drug containing castor oil and an active compound called testosterone undecanoate.

Once injected into muscle in the buttocks, the castor oil helps to slow down the action of the male hormone compound so that its effects last longer.

If pure testosterone was injected it would last only a few minutes. This injection is a form of testosterone with fatty acids that make it last much longer.

The castor oil ensures it is gradually absorbed so that levels remain steady, and do not peak and dip. ‘It is a very good preparation, and it works well,’ says Dr Malcolm Carruthers, president of the Society for the Study of Androgen Deficiency.

Production of testosterone declines with age. The injection is designed to replace it in the body to treat a condition known as hypogonadism, caused by a lack of the male sex hormone.

Symptoms can include impotence, infertility, low sex drive, tiredness and depressive moods. Erectile dysfunction is estimated to affect one in ten men, with between five and six million men suffering in the UK.

It is also estimated that half of men aged over 50 have some kind of problem related to erectile dysfunction, which is linked to diseases such as diabetes and heart disease.

Testosterone has been available as daily creams, gels and patches, but it is thought that many men would prefer to have injections that would be given less often.

Testosterone is increasingly used for a number of different health problems. In a trial in Houston, Texas, men with low testosterone levels and mild Alzheimer’s disease are being given testosterone to see if it improves their mental ability.

It may enable them to get around without getting lost or injured, which could have a positive impact on both patients and those who care for them.

The hormone is also being used to treat men with angina in a trial at Sheffield University. ‘We have shown that testosterone replacement therapy improved exercise duration on the treadmill,’ researchers said. They found that men with lower testosterone levels benefited most.

Approximately 25 per cent of men with heart disease have low levels of the hormone.

Another use for testosterone is for hip fractures. These are common among older women and can remove their independence.

In a trial at Washington University, women are being given the male hormone after a hip fracture. Researchers believe it may increase their bone health, and therefore their strength and mobility.

(c) 2007 Daily Mail; London (UK). Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

3-D Medical Imaging Reaches the Stars

Cambridge, MA — A unique collaboration created by Harvard’s Initiative for Innovative Computing (IIC) has brought together astronomers, medical imaging specialists, and software engineers to adapt medical imaging software to create 3-D views of astronomical bodies.

“Once this technology is fully developed, we will be able to explore and visualize space in entirely new ways,” said Alyssa Goodman, Director of the IIC and a Professor of Astronomy in Harvard’s Faculty of Arts and Sciences.

Goodman discussed results from the IIC’s Astronomical Medicine Project, or AstroMed, last week at the IIC’s Inaugural Symposium in Cambridge, Mass.

AstroMed typifies the work of the IIC, bringing together computer scientists and their colleagues in other disciplines to develop new approaches to scientific problem-solving – in this case, solving problems common to both astronomy and medicine, particularly the visualization and analysis of large, complex data sets.

In pursuit of that goal, AstroMed researchers are working to modify existing medical imaging programs for use in astronomical research. The revised programs can generate 3-D views of cosmic structures, just as physicians generate 3-D views of anatomical structures.

Astronomical and medical research are more alike than they might seem. Astronomers and medical researchers often rely on quantitative analysis of imaging data for insight. Astronomers may be looking for nuggets of star-forming material buried in interstellar matter while doctors are looking for tumors hidden inside a brain, but the steps in their investigations are extraordinarily similar.

Until recently, researchers would have needed a powerful supercomputer to create 3-D visualizations like those of AstroMed. Now, such visualizations can be done on a laptop with Open Source programs such as “3D Slicer” and “OsiriX.”

3D Slicer allows users to interact with data. Not only can a 3-D object be created – it can be rotated, zoomed and cropped using a set of intuitive tools. In astronomy, “3-D” doesn’t always mean three spatial dimensions. By combining the 2-D position of gas emission mapped out on the sky with 1-D measurements of the gas’s velocity along the line of sight, astronomers generate 3-D data sets with dimensions that can serve as proxies for three spatial dimensions. Using programs like 3D Slicer and OsiriX on these virtual 3-D constructions, astronomers can become virtual spacefarers, easily selecting “distances” and viewing angles in order to navigate around a gas cloud and study it from “all sides.”

“Right now, this software is a tool for scientists. We are blazing a trail in the field of 3-D astronomical computer graphics,” explained Michael Halle, AstroMed Project Manager. “As we refine our capabilities, we hope to develop a tool that researchers in a variety of fields reliant on 3-D data will use on everyday computers.”

Initially, the AstroMed team has focused on studying dusty gas clouds in the Milky Way that are forming new stars. The team is working to analyze data from the COMPLETE survey of star-forming regions, which has collected extensive infrared and radio measurements of several star-forming complexes. Already, their work on the Perseus region has identified several previously unknown large bubbles and shells of gas, as well as more than a dozen new jets of material shooting from newborn stars.

Goodman added that while medical advances currently are helping the astronomical community, in the future, astronomers’ innovations in extending and improving this software will help the medical community. “The algorithms that we develop to identify star-forming clumps in a dusty gas cloud might be used to identify possible tumors in a person’s body,” she explained.

The revised software also may prove useful to other data-intensive branches of science like weather modeling and geophysics.

The software and techniques developed by the IIC will contribute to the revolutionary astronomy project known as the Virtual Observatory. The Virtual Observatory will link all the world’s astronomy data together, giving people around the world easy access to data from many different telescopes and observatories, at all wavelengths of the electromagnetic spectrum.

Click here for video animation…

More information about AstroMed is available online at http://astromed.iic.harvard.edu.

The team at Harvard includes: astronomer Goodman, Dr. Michael Halle, a principal at the Surgical Planning Laboratory of Brigham and Women’s Hospital and the AstroMed Project Manager at IIC; Dr. Jens Kauffman, a postdoctoral fellow at the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics and IIC; Michelle Borkin, Harvard College ’06, now an IIC Research Associate; and Douglas Alan, an IIC Senior Software Engineer. In addition, the team is working with Dr. Nick Holliman of the University of Durham’s Visualization Laboratory in the U.K. on enhancing AstroMed images using stereoscopic (3-D) displays.

The Initiative in Innovative Computing (IIC) accelerates the pace of science by fostering collaborations that span traditional academic boundaries, bringing together computer scientist and scientists in other disciplines to develop solutions to problems and develop ideas and inventions along the continuum from basic science to scientific computation to computational science to computer science.

Headquartered in Cambridge, Mass., the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics (CfA) is a joint collaboration between the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory and the Harvard College Observatory. CfA scientists, organized into six research divisions, study the origin, evolution and ultimate fate of the universe.

Jason Walsh, 35, a U.S. Army Reserve Surgeon Whose Civilian Practice…

By Fred Tasker, The Miami Herald

Mar. 25–Jason Walsh, 35, a U.S. Army Reserve surgeon whose civilian practice is in Scotts Bluff, Neb., pop. 14,000, was counting on the mean streets of Miami to give him some good trauma surgery practice before his unit heads to Iraq.

Miami didn’t disappoint.

Between 10 p.m. and midnight Friday, Walsh’s 22-person Forward Surgical Team, practicing at Miami’s Ryder Trauma Center, handled a pedestrian hit by a car; a young woman knocked unconscious when she fell out of a fast-moving golf cart; a Key Largo biker who ran into a car; a 90-year-old man found face down in his room; a man stabbed in the thigh; and two Miami-Dade police officers in a car crash, one of whom had to be extricated by the Jaws of Life.

“We might get three or four traumas in a week in Scotts Bluff,” Walsh, an Army major, said. “You guys get it all.”

That’s why the 948th Forward Surgical Team, based in Smithfield, Mich., is putting in two weeks of last-minute team training in Miami.

It might seem a dubious civic distinction. The Army has chosen the Ryder Trauma Center at the University of Miami/Jackson Memorial Medical Center to train military surgeons, registered nurses and medics bound for Iraq or Afghanistan. It’s because of the center’s excellent reputation — and the likelihood that Miami will provide a big range of trauma on which to practice.

“It has the mix we need — penetrating traumas and blunt traumas, gunshots, knives,” said Donald Robinson, assistant professor of surgery at the University of Miami Miller School of Medicine and a U.S. Army lieutenant colonel on active duty. “We see 4,000 major traumas a year here; it’s one of the busiest centers in the U.S.”

REAL IS ‘BETTER’

In two intense weeks at Ryder, the team gets classes, clinical work and simulated combat surgery scenes, including lifelike mannequins covered in “moulage,” or fake movie blood, a nursing staff yelling at them and stereo speakers blaring battle sounds from Mel Gibson’s 2002 movie We Were Soldiers.

“But the real patients are better,” Robinson said. “Being able to touch real tissue, being put under stress. What we see in Iraq is polytrauma — blunt trauma, blast penetration, flash burns, metal fragments.”

The 948th Forward Surgical Team is a U.S. Army Reserve unit made up mostly of men and women with medical backgrounds, although nothing compared to what they will face in Iraq. Its leader, Lt. Col. Robert Monson, is a nurse anesthetist in Provo, Utah, usually handling dental and cosmetic cases; Staff Sgt. Johann Worch, the unit’s administrator, copes with knee abrasions and head lice as a school nurse in Franklin County, Ohio.

They get Army medical training during the one weekend a month and two weeks per summer they spend on active duty as reservists. They have come together here as a unit to learn the teamwork they will need in Iraq. Their team will go into combat with an Army brigade there, often directly under fire, setting up operating rooms in tents.

Their mission is to stabilize wounded soldiers, removing damaged organs if needed, then send them back to bigger Combat Support Hospitals.

“Our job is to battle chaos,” said Maj. Brad West, public information officer for the 11-person U.S. Army team stationed at Ryder to train 10 to 14 units like the 948th per year.

BY THE NUMBERS

The teamwork shows as Walsh’s crew swings into action over the 16-year-old girl hit by a car. As surgeon and leader, Walsh is asking the moaning girl what happened, what she ate and drank that day, where it hurts. Intensive care nurse David Jewett, a captain, is hooking her up to monitors. Right medic Porfirio Montes III, an Army specialist, is hooking up an IV. Left medic Jeremy Campbell, also a specialist, is taking blood for tests.

To fight the chaos and panic of combat situations, it’s very much by the numbers. Team members glance up at lists of duties taped to the walls.

“The biggest difference between civilian trauma and military trauma is speed,” Robinson said. “We train them to understand that speed.”

“These are superb doctors,” said Dr. Jeffrey Augenstein, UM professor of surgery and director of the Ryder Trauma Center. “But they might have been doing gall bladder surgery or hernia repair for 10 years.”

“I’ve been in the Army 21 years, and this is the best training I’ve had,” said Capt. Christopher Mullen, an intensive care nurse with the 948th.

Such programs as this, plus faster transportation from the battlefield to the hospital, have sharply cut the percentage of injured soldiers who die in Iraq and Afghanistan. A study in the New England Journal of Medicine said about 10 percent of U.S. soldiers injured in Iraq have died from their wounds, compared to 24 percent in Vietnam.

In Iraq, more than 3,200 U.S. military members have been killed and 23,000 wounded in combat — with another 25,000 impacted by nonhostile accidents or diseases.

The training in Miami is aimed at reducing that.

“It’s a sad commentary that Miami has these problems,” Augenstein said. “But we’re blessed that we can create this kind of training. We’re honored to do it.”

—–

Copyright (c) 2007, The Miami Herald

Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News.

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Gravity Measurements Help Melt Ice Mysteries

Greenland is cold and hot. It’s a deep freezer storing 10 percent of Earth’s ice and a subject of fevered debate. If something should melt all that ice, global sea level could rise as much as 7 meters (23 feet). Greenland and Antarctica – Earth’s two biggest icehouses – are important indicators of climate change and a high priority for research, as highlighted by the newly inaugurated International Polar Year.

Just a few years ago, the world’s climate scientists predicted that Greenland wouldn’t have much impact at all on sea level in the coming decades. But recent measurements show that Greenland’s ice cap is melting much faster than expected.

These new data come from the NASA/German Aerospace Center’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (Grace). Launched in March 2002, the twin Grace satellites circle the globe using gravity to map changes in Earth’s mass 500 kilometers (310 miles) below. They are providing a unique way to monitor and understand Earth’s great ice sheets and glaciers.

Grace measurements have revealed that in just four years, from 2002 to 2006, Greenland lost between 150 and 250 cubic kilometers (36 to 60 cubic miles) of ice per year. One cubic kilometer is equal to about 264 billion gallons of water. That’s enough melting ice to account for an increase in global sea level of as much as 0.5 millimeters (0.019 inches) per year, according to Isabella Velicogna and John Wahr of the University of Colorado, Boulder. They published their results in the scientific journal Nature last fall. Since global sea level has risen an average of three millimeters (0.1 inch) per year since 1993, Greenland’s rapidly increasing contribution can’t be overlooked.

“Before Grace, the change of Greenland’s ice sheet was inferred by a combination of more regional radar and altimeter studies pieced together over many years, but Grace can measure changes in the weight of the ice directly and cover the entire ice sheet of Greenland every month,” says Michael Watkins, Grace project scientist at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Pasadena, Calif. However, as anyone who has ever been concerned about his or her weight knows, a number on a scale is just the beginning. In the five years that Grace has been flying, scientists have found ways to make the most of this new set of observations.

“Grace has a big footprint,” says Watkins. “We can locate regions of greatest loss, but we can’t see individual glaciers.” However, Grace’s spatial resolution is continually improving. In the most recent studies, he says, Grace has observed large ice losses in the southeast of Greenland, while other areas, such as the west coast, have shown losses as well.

While Greenland is losing ice, it’s also acquiring some new ice through precipitation. Scientists at NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center, Greenbelt, Md., used Grace to determine that ice losses far surpass ice gains. A new way of analyzing the data allowed them to get a picture of regional changes. While snow added 60 cubic kilometers (14 cubic miles) of ice mass to Greenland’s interior each year between 2003 and 2005, the low-lying coast areas of Greenland lost nearly three times as much ice – 172 cubic kilometers (41 cubic miles) – each year during the same period.

To confirm just how much of the mass Grace detects in Greenland and Antarctica is due to snow and ice, scientists also have to determine the contributions from another source, Earth’s changing crust. “When Grace sees a change in polar gravity,” says Watkins, “part of it is today’s ice melt and part is what is called post-glacial rebound.”

“A long time ago during the last ice age, this region was pushed down by even more snow and ice, and now this mantle wants to come back, or rebound,” explains Erik Ivins, a JPL Earth scientist and Grace science team member.

One way to look at the problem, says Ivins, is to imagine a bathtub filling up with water from a faucet but losing water from holes in the bottom of the tub. At the same time, the bathtub may be changing shape.

Ivins and his colleagues are refining the computer models used to understand and predict post-glacial rebound. It turns out that beneath the ice sheet covering Greenland, the mantle isn’t changing the shape of the ?bathtub” very fast. “This tells us that the large mass changes Grace detects in the southeastern region of Greenland aren’t due to post-glacial rebound,” says Ivins.

As Grace celebrates its fifth birthday and begins its extended mission, “we’re getting the picture into better focus,” says Watkins, “and we’re going to have a new wave of discoveries. Improving the post-glacial rebound model is going to help, especially in Antarctica, where post-glacial rebound has a big effect on the gravity signal. We’re also going to be able to pinpoint areas of loss and better understand how the losses change from one particular year to the next. This will tell us more about the types and mechanisms of ice mass loss so we can make better predictions in the future.”

While Grace provides a new and independent way to study Earth’s ice sheets, it will take a combination of different tools, including laser altimeters, radar, and field studies, to sort out more clearly what’s happening. “All technologies have different strengths and weaknesses,” says Watkins. “Grace is the new piece. It shows us the big picture, while other measurements look at a smaller scale. We need to use them all together.”

“We have to pay attention,” Velicogna adds. “These ice sheets are changing much faster than we were expecting. Observations are the most powerful tool we have to know what is going on, especially when the changes – and what’s causing them – are not obvious.”

Saliva Test Can Detect Sjogren’s Syndrome

Saliva can be used to detect primary Sjogren’s syndrome, an autoimmune disease that affects 4 million U.S. adults.

Scientists at the University of California at Los Angeles have identified a panel of salivary biomarkers that can distinguish Sjogren’s syndrome patients from healthy subjects, according to a presentation at the 85th General Session of the International Association for Dental Research.

Using new technologies, researchers searched globally for markers in saliva from Sjogren’s syndrome patients and healthy people, and found saliva, especially whole saliva in the mouth, can detect patients with the syndrome. Blood tests and biopsies are current standards of diagnosis.

Sjogren’s syndrome is a chronic disease in which white blood cells attack the moisture-producing glands, causing dry eyes and dry mouth. The systemic disease, affecting mostly women, can also affect many organs and may cause fatigue.